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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

In Quick Commerce We Trust: Welcome to the Ministry of Instant Gratification

We wanted groceries in 10 minutes. Instead, we got an identity crisis with free delivery.

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Respectful public discourse isn’t exactly woven into our fabric, but a provocative photo has divided the country yet again. This time, it is Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal asking us about the price of convenience and rest assured, he’s not alone. I used to wonder who needs groceries in 10 minutes, but that was before I was seduced by the 10-minute grocery charm or racket (depending on how you see it).


Q-commerce has showcased innovations in logistics, tech-human behavioural exchanges, and retail space optimisation. But it isn’t just about getting your eggs in 10 minutes. It’s about what you’re trading off - choice, control, common sense? - that’s making us vulnerable to this irresistible impulse.


Q-commerce was not invented in India but it may be one of the few markets where it is still functional. Many Western countries have tried with varying degrees of success and failure to keep those boats afloat. Even China has some, but we’d be fools to compare India and China. Suffice to say, it is no piece of cake.


To use present-day terminology, Q-commerce is a service you didn’t know you needed until you used it. Minister Goyal’s intentions may or may not have been to evoke an emotional response, but its implications go much deeper than the startup ecosystem into a country that’s drifting where the VC money takes us. And somebody has to wake us up from our Pavlovian reveries. But before pointing any fingers, let’s look at what it reveals about us as a society.


Q-commerce can be dubbed as an optimised way to have groceries at your doorstep. Riding on the tail of the Covid pandemic and digital penetration combined with UPI, it drives one to spend more alongside increasing short-term consumption. To the untrained eye, this may appear like a good micro-economic sign, but scratch the surface and it smells more like a sugar high.


For one, not all spending may be essential and could rack up debt for some. The normalisation of instant gratification could have retaliatory effects in other aspects of one’s life, but one won’t weep over spilled milk, because within 10 minutes, another packet would have arrived.


Even though we’re not necessarily list-making shoppers with a cart and trolley, many people are cognisant about stocking their kitchens with items that are more necessary than discretionary. Maybe it’s a generational thing. Millennials and Gen Z prefer convenience over planning, and they don’t want their deliveries with a grain of salt. They want icing.


On the surface level, it may seem like a good thing that people, especially from economically weaker backgrounds, are gaining employment. But as workers operating in a perpetual “grey zone” (are they employees, contractors or platforms’ favourite “partners”) when it comes to employment status, their working conditions and labour rights don’t exactly make sexy headlines — or any headlines. While this is the bed they have chosen, they don’t need to lie in it. Gig workers across the world continue to fight for their rights, and in India, even their dignity.


Work allocations are driven by technological algorithms, and problem solving a mere hum of the machine. Workers can be barred from the platform in a heartbeat due to customer complaints or tech glitches or really anything. Nobody can tell what’s in the black box of a platform’s tech IP. Additionally, have you ever seen a delivery person drive cautiously and/or follow traffic signals? There’s your pickle. Never mind the policy.


Speaking of pickles, it’s the local kirana store uncle or aunty picking up the cheques of this convenience. Not backed by venture capitalists for whom your mind is inaccessible and probably untameable to a certain extent (think cash transactions, freedom to choose items and their quantities, freedom of prices, variety of brands), the store cannot afford to give you a 50% discount. If you observe closely, you may see a clear distinction in the price of what you’re getting online and offline. Buying on Q-commerce means you lose choice and are now effectively trapped in an online retail monoculture in a country that’s anything but mono. And that value you were seeking for the buck you’re spending? That’s just bad apples.


We’ve not touched last-mile emissions, cold storage challenges, unit economics and the dismantling of urban infrastructure yet, but you may have an idea about where this is going. This is not a criticism of Q-commerce as much as it is a question: with no VC-backing, no technological innovations and little to no difference in the goods being sold, will Q-commerce survive 20 years down the line? Is it old wine in a new bottle, with hidden costs and delivery at neck-breaking speeds? What happens when there are disruptions to supply chains (Covid-19 anyone?) in an already fragile urban infrastructure with shaky economics?


When we have answers to these questions, maybe then, we can finally eat our cake without checking if it’s available for 50 percent off — or delivered in 10.


(The writer is an independent journalist with a keen interest in environmental issues and urban ecology)

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