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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

India’s Strategic Green Energy Initiatives

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

India’s Strategic Green Energy Initiatives

Prime Minister Modi proposed the ambitious One Sun, One World, One Grid (OSOWOG) vision in 2018 at the first International Solar Alliance (ISA) conference. Along with OSOWOG is the Green Grids Initiative (GGI), jointly proposed by India and the UK during COP-26 in 2021. This international network of interconnected solar grids has about 140 member nations. Its premise is that “the sun never sets” and, more importantly, varying energy consumption needs in different time zones. For example, Singapore’s peak energy demand from 0900 to 1800 overlaps with London’s off-hours (0100–1000), demonstrating the grid’s 24x7 potential. Hence, countries can harness continuous, renewable energy 24x7 from this global solar grid. They would avoid the high cost of storage batteries as well.

IMEC plays a strategic role in European energy security with its ‘green energy corridor’ of underwater pipelines for green hydrogen and power cables, crucial to the EU’s green transition plans.

The IMEC corridor includes the East Med Poseidon pipeline, transporting hydrogen and natural gas from Israel and Cyprus to Greece and Italy. The East Med pipeline could be used within IMEC to transport green hydrogen produced by Gulf countries. Meanwhile, India is ramping up its investment in green energy, positioning itself to play a more significant role in the global market. In August 2023, Reliance and Canadian Brookfield Asset Management agreed to invest US$20–30 billion in the next decade in Australia’s renewable energy sector. This move would align RIL’s US$100 billion green energy investment in Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh with opportunities for workforce skill development in India.

India aims for an optimistic 10% of the global share of green energy. In this context, the government plans to facilitate the development of the required infrastructure, both internally and for export, including storage bunkers, port operations equipment, and refuelling facilities.

Oil companies may, as per government sources, be required to charter at least one ship each to be powered by green hydrogen or derived fuels by 2027. The port infrastructure needed to enable exports of green hydrogen derivatives and pipelines to facilitate bulk transport of green hydrogen will also be developed.

The Shipping Corporation of India, or in the event of its disinvestment, its successor private entity, plans to retrofit at least two ships to run on green hydrogen or other green hydrogen-derived fuels by 2027.

Green steel production occurs when green hydrogen replaces fossil fuels in steel-making. The provision of carbon credits and the imposition of market barriers should further enhance the viability of green hydrogen-based steel. Green ammonia bunkers and refuelling facilities will be set up at least at one port by 2025. So far, three ports have been identified: Paradip Port (Odisha), Deendayal Port (Gujarat), and VO Chidambaranar Port (Tamil Nadu).

Indian industries consume around five million metric tonnes a year of hydrogen produced from fossil fuels. The challenge is to make green hydrogen using renewable sources at a viable cost by 2030, creating about 600,000 new green jobs. This aligns with India’s plan to become ‘Energy Self-Atmanirbhar’ by 2047 and net zero emissions by 2070.

(The writer is a Marine and Shipping consultant. Views personal)

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