top of page

By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Interrogation to expose Pakistan state actors' role in 26/11 attacks

Apr 10, 2025
5 min read
Security personnel stand guard outside the National Investigation Agency (NIA) headquarters in New Delhi on Thursday. Pic: PTI
Security personnel stand guard outside the National Investigation Agency (NIA) headquarters in New Delhi on Thursday. Pic: PTI

New Delhi: Mumbai terror attack accused Tahawwur Hussain Rana, who was extradited to the country from the US on Thursday, will now face the law in India, and his interrogation is likely to spill the beans on the role of Pakistani state actors behind the dastardly act that claimed 166 lives in 2008, official sources said.


The investigators also hope to find some important leads on his travels in parts of northern and southern India, days before the carnage in the country's financial capital in November 2008, they said.


Rana visited Hapur and Agra in Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Kochi, Ahmedabad, and Mumbai with his wife Samraz Rana Akhtar between November 13 and November 21, 2008, the sources said.


They said there could have been a larger conspiracy aimed at targeting other places across the country behind his visits to these places, and the exact details would be ascertained only after his interrogation.


Pakistan’s role

Rana's interrogation would help the probe agencies expose the role of Pakistani state actors behind the 26/11 attacks, and may shed new light on the investigation, the sources said.


On November 26, 2008, a group of 10 Pakistani terrorists went on a rampage, carrying out coordinated attacks on a railway station, two luxury hotels and a Jewish centre after sneaking into Mumbai through the Arabian sea.


Among the 166 people killed were US, British and Israeli nationals. The nearly 60-hour assault sent shockwaves across the country and even brought India and Pakistan to the brink of war.


The terrorists targeted multiple iconic locations in Mumbai, including the Taj Mahal and Oberoi hotels, Leopold Cafe, Chabad House and the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus train station, each of which Headley had scouted in advance.


In November 2012, Ajmal Amir Kasab, the lone surviving terrorist among the Pakistani attackers, was hanged to death at Yerawada Jail in Pune.

Rana was wanted by the National Investigation Agency (NIA), which is probing the 26/11 attacks case.


Terror outfits

During the investigation, the roles of senior functionaries of terror outfits Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Harkat-ul Jihadi Islami (HuJI) -- Hafiz Muhammad Saeed alias Tayyaji, Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi, Sajjid Majid alias Wasi, Illyas Kashmiri, and Abdur Rehman Hashim Syed alias Major Abdurrehman alias Pasha had emerged, the sources said.


They worked in active connivance with officials from Pakistan's spy agency Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), namely Major Iqbal alias Major Ali and Major Sameer Ali alias Major Samir, as per the NIA.


After the completion of its investigation, the NIA filed a chargesheet before a Delhi court on December 24, 2011, against all the accused for providing logistic, financial and other assistance to Headly and the other co-conspirators towards the criminal conspiracy to organise terrorist attacks in India.


Major Iqbal

Rana is said to have remained in contact with Major Iqbal, the sources said.

During his first visit to India, Headley spoke to Rana over phone for more than 32 times, they said.


Subsequently, Headley spoke to Rana 23 times during his second visit, 40 times during the third visit, 37 times during the fifth visit, 33 times during the sixth visit, and 66 times during the eighth visit, they said, highlighting his active involvement in the Mumbai attacks conspiracy.


The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in the US arrested Rana from Chicago a year after the attacks in October 2009 for providing support for an aborted plan to behead employees of a newspaper in Copenhagen (Denmark), and also for providing material support to the Lashkar-e-Taiba, which orchestrated the Mumbai attacks, the sources said, adding that Rana, however, was acquitted in the 26/11 case.


India was trying to extradite Rana for many years because of his association with the LeT, HuJI and Headley, and for his active involvement in the Mumbai attacks.


Rana was aware

It is alleged that Rana was aware of Headley's terror links and even helped in reconnaissance of targets in Mumbai and planning the attacks on the National Defence College in Delhi and the Chabad House in Mumbai.


The extradition of Rana was first cleared by the US Supreme Court in January, when it rejected his review petition in the case.


Rana submitted an "emergency application for stay pending litigation of petition for writ of habeas corpus" on February 27, 2025, with an associate justice of the US Supreme Court and Circuit Justice for the Ninth Circuit, Elena Kagan. The application was denied in March. Rana then renewed his emergency application previously addressed to Justice Kagan, and requested that the renewed application be directed to US Chief Justice John Roberts. The SC denied his application.


Encouraged to hear about extradition: Israeli envoy

Israeli envoy Reuven Azar has welcomed the extradition of 2008 Mumbai terror attacks case accused Tahawwur Rana to India and thanked the government for its "persistence in bringing the terrorists to justice".


In a video message, the envoy said, "We are encouraged to hear about the extradition to India of one of the perpetrators of the terrible and horrendous terrorist attacks that happened in Mumbai on November 26, 2008, which took the lives of innocent civilians, including Israelis.


"I would like to thank the government of India for its persistence in bringing the terrorists to justice," he said.


At the time of attacks home secy was in Pak

When 10 heavily-armed Pakistani terrorists carried out the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai, an Indian delegation headed by the then Union home secretary Madhukar Gupta was in Islamabad for bilateral talks to discuss various issues, including terrorism.


On November 26, 2008, when the terrorists reached Mumbai, sailing through the Arabian sea from Pakistan, Gupta was in Islamabad attending bilateral home secretary-level talks, what was then named as the 'Composite Dialogue', sources said. The Indian delegation concluded the talks with their Pakistani counterparts on November 26. As part of the existing convention, the Indian delegation was supposed to meet Pakistan's Interior Minister for a courtesy call. However, the Indian delegation was told that the Pakistani minister was unavailable as he was travelling and they could meet him the next day i.e. on November 27. So the team stayed back, the sources said. Later on that day (November 26), the Indian delegation was taken to Murree, a picturesque hill station near Islamabad.


That evening, the terrorists attacked Mumbai and carried out the country's worst terrorist carnage, killing 166 people.


When the news came, Gupta was in regular touch with senior leadership in Delhi from Murree.


The Indian delegation to Pakistan included an additional secretary in the ministry of home affairs, a joint secretary and a few other officers. The team spent that fateful night in Murree before rushing back to India the next day.

On Thursday, when contacted over phone, Gupta told PTI he was unwell and expressed his inability to talk.


Delegation was tricked

There was speculation at that time that the Indian delegation could have been tricked by Pakistan to extend their stay by a day. In Gupta's absence on that fateful day in 2008, the then special secretary (internal security) in the home ministry M L Kumawat was handling the affairs of the home ministry and giving initial instructions to the agencies concerned as advised by the then union home minister Shivraj Patil, who later resigned.


Kumawat, an IPS officer, was assisted by then then joint secretary Naveen Verma and a few other officers.

Comments


bottom of page