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By:

Anirban Dutta

5 April 2026 at 12:25:03 pm

A Bank in Maoist Territory: The Anandapur Experiment

Red Reckonin g Part 4 Our five-part series examines the rise and decline of India’s Maoist insurgency, once described as the country’s “greatest internal security threat” and the uneasy transition from conflict to control in its last strongholds. In the Naxal heartland of Bastar, the Indian state is no longer just clearing territory but opening accounts, extending credit and reclaiming everyday life.   Once defined by gunfire and fear, the village of Anandapur in central Chhattisgarh is...

A Bank in Maoist Territory: The Anandapur Experiment

Red Reckonin g Part 4 Our five-part series examines the rise and decline of India’s Maoist insurgency, once described as the country’s “greatest internal security threat” and the uneasy transition from conflict to control in its last strongholds. In the Naxal heartland of Bastar, the Indian state is no longer just clearing territory but opening accounts, extending credit and reclaiming everyday life.   Once defined by gunfire and fear, the village of Anandapur in central Chhattisgarh is witnessing a quieter transition. Last year in August, a branch of the State Bank of India opened its doors deep within what was once unambiguously Maoist territory. The symbolism was difficult to miss. Where insurgents once dictated the rhythms of life, a bank now does so. The shift has not occurred in isolation. A new mobile security camp lies to the east; a 15-kilometre paved road cuts through dense forest to connect the village to the outside world. For years, Anandapur’s residents had neither infrastructure nor access. Now, they have both. “We now have a bank,” said Lakshmi Devi, the village head. “With the bank comes more than money - it brings light.” She was speaking not only metaphorically. Solar-powered street lighting now lines the roads, allowing villagers to travel after dark. ATMs, too, are illuminated. “Our children can study at night,” she added. “We can walk home safely.” Such statements mark a profound shift. For decades, Anandapur’s story was bound up with the trajectory of left-wing extremism in India - a movement that began with the Naxalbari uprising in 1967 and evolved into one of the country’s most persistent internal security challenges. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, Maoist violence has claimed more than 12,000 lives in the past two decades. Even now, a substantial portion of the remaining insurgent cadre is concentrated in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region. For villages like Anandapur, this translated into a suffocating everyday reality. Without banking services, residents relied on informal moneylenders charging interest rates of 50 to 100 percent. The absence of roads left agricultural produce stranded, often spoiling before reaching markets. Power infrastructure, when it existed, was routinely sabotaged. Maoist groups imposed levies on everything from rice sacks to forest produce, turning subsistence into struggle. “We planted maize but we got scared,” recalled Komal Singh, a 65-year-old farmer whose son was killed in an encounter in 2022. Fear, as much as poverty, shaped economic choices. Government responses, for long, struggled to break this cycle. The SAMADHAN strategy, introduced in 2017, sought to integrate security operations with development initiatives. Yet progress remained uneven, particularly in districts such as Dantewada and Sukma. It is only in recent years, with sustained investment in infrastructure reportedly amounting to roughly Rs. 10,000 crore, that the contours of change have begun to emerge. Measurable Impact The bank in Anandapur is one such outcome. Its impact is immediate and measurable. In its first week, more than 500 accounts were opened, over 60 percent of them held by women’s self-help groups. For many, this is their first formal interaction with the financial system. Consider Laxmi, a 32-year-old widow. Having sold mahua flowers, she deposited Rs. 5,000 into her new account. “I no longer need to sell my jewellery for loans,” she said. “This is my new husband.” The phrasing is striking, but so is the sentiment: financial independence replacing dependency. The bank also offers micro-loans for activities such as poultry farming and solar-powered irrigation. Officials from the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) estimate that such interventions could yield income increases of around 20 percent in the first year. For households long trapped in subsistence cycles, this represents not just incremental gain but structural change. Digital inclusion is advancing in tandem. The installation of 4G towers facilitated by recent road construction has enabled villagers to access government schemes via mobile payments. Subsidies under programmes such as PM-KISAN and PMAY can now be received directly. “It feels like going from a bullock cart to a car,” said Priya Patel, the bank’s branch manager. If financial access is one pillar, aspiration is another. Rahul Majhi, 21, once considered joining the Maoists. A college dropout, he stood at a familiar crossroads of insurgency or stagnation. Instead, he attended a job fair in Raipur following the establishment of a nearby camp. Today, he is undergoing vocational training. His story reflects a broader shift in that the availability of alternatives is beginning to compete with the allure - or coercion - of rebellion. Elemental Change Older residents, too, speak of change in elemental terms. “There is light now,” several remarked, referring both to electrification and to a broader, metaphorical sense of visibility about life. Under the Saubhagya scheme, around 100 homes in the village have been connected to solar power. Evenings, once defined by kerosene lamps, now accommodate literacy classes and community gatherings. Yet, Anandapur is not an outlier so much as an early indicator. Across left-wing extremism-affected regions, similar efforts are under way. The Financial Inclusion Index for 2025 places banking penetration in such areas at around 40 percent—well below the national average of 80 percent—but the direction is upward. New bank branches are planned in districts such as Gumla in Jharkhand, while road construction continues apace in Odisha’s Malkangiri. Security, however, remains integral. Analysts such as former home secretary G.K. Pillai have long argued that the most effective approach blends enforcement with incentives - a “70 percent security, 30 percent support” model. In parts of Andhra Pradesh, such strategies contributed to a 90 percent decline in Maoist violence over the past two decades. The lesson is clear: development cannot proceed without security, but security alone cannot sustain peace. In Anandapur, this synthesis is visible. The road exists because the area was secured; the bank functions because the road exists. Each element reinforces the other. Still, challenges persist as banking access, while expanding, remains uneven. Supply chains are fragile. Trust, though improving, is not yet universal. Residual insurgent presence continues to cast a shadow, even if diminished. Yet the significance of Anandapur’s bank lies less in its immediate impact than in what it represents. It is not merely a financial institution, but a marker of state presence. “Development is the new weapon against Naxalism,” the prime minister remarked recently. The phrase risks sounding rhetorical, but in places like Anandapur it acquires tangible meaning. A bank account, after all, is a quiet assertion of citizenship. It links the individual to the state not through force, but through participation - through savings, credit, and the expectation of continuity. It creates stakes in stability. In that sense, the opening of a bank in Maoist territory is not the end of an insurgency but a firm verdict of its irrelevance. The forests remain dense, and the terrain of Bastar still unforgiving. But the rhythms are changing. Where once there was only the sound of conflict, there is now the hum of transactions, the flicker of electric light, the routine of everyday life. In Anandapur, as in much of Bastar, the state is no longer merely confronting insurgency but definitively replacing it. (The author is a political consultant and an international relations expert. Views personal.)

Knives out in legislature

Updated: Mar 21, 2025

Disha Salian

Mumbai: Death of celebrity manager Disha Salian in 2020 once again rocked the Maharashtra legislature on Thursday. While cabinet ministers Nitesh Rane and Shambhuraj Desai demanded that Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray be arrested in the case, BJP MLA Amit Satam in the assembly and another BJP member Chitra Wagh in the council demanded that the report of SIT to probe Salian’s death be made public.


Incidentally, amidst repeated disruptions in both the houses, some members from the treasury benches were seen speaking in favour of Aditya Thackeray, while Shiv Sena (UBT) members like Adv Anil Parab were seen supporting the BJP members’ demand that the report of the SIT probe be made public. In addition, there were allegations and counter allegations and personal accusations among members from the treasury and opposition benches which led to heated debate on occasions.


The opposition termed the attempts from the treasury benches to link Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray’s name in the case, as a ‘conspiracy’.


“I think this matter has gone to the court. We have no idea what he (Disha’s father) has said, but Aaditya Thackeray is a mature leader, a young leader. The Bharatiya Janata Party is conspiring to defame him by putting pressure on him. We don’t need to answer to this conspiracy. The court will answer,” Ambadas Danve said.


Earlier in the day, when the house gathered for the business, Minister of State for Home appraised the assembly of the status in this case. “SIT has been formed to probe in the case. Their report has not been received as yet. However, the government shall act according to directives from the court,” the minister told the house.


Another BJP minister Nitesh Rane, however, said that since Satish Salian has levelled allegations against an MVA minister, that leader be treated like a common person and that everybody should be treated equally before the law. Shiv Sena minister Shambhuraj Desai too supported the demand. “Since the allegations are grave, the person in question should be immediately arrested and the case be investigated,” he said.


Later, while speaking to media in the legislature premises, Rane asked Uddhav Thackeray to come clean on the issue. “If they say that we are politicizing the issue, Uddhav Thackeray should also tell the people why he had called, not just once but twice, to the then union minister Narayan Rane urging him to save his son?” Rane said.


He also accused the opposition of shying away from coming clean on the issue. “If they feel that we are not telling the truth, they should say so in the house. But they are shying away from doing so. Bhaskar Jadhav, who is always aggressive, was nowhere to be seen when this issue came up in the house. Sunil Prabhu too escaped the house under the pretext of a phone call. I challenge them to say that whatever I said on the issue is wrong,” Rane said.


He also said that Aditya Thackeray should resign on moral grounds till his name is cleared in the case.


BJP MLA Amit Satam demanded that the details of the SIT probe be made public so that the people would know if the probe is headed in right direction.


Interestingly, while the ruling parties were targeting the opposition in the case, senior BJP leader Sudhir Mungantiwar surprised all with his unexpected support to Thackerays. “I do not have any evidences in the case. But if her father has made any fresh allegations that needs to be investigated thoroughly. The assembly can discuss the issue at length tomorrow. In the meanwhile, members like Rane, who seem to have some evidences in the case should hand them over to the investigating agencies and help the probe,” he told the house.


Shiv Sena’s Sanjay Gaikwad and Sheetal Mhatre too toed the line and demanded that more and more evidences should come forth.


Similarly, when members of treasury benches were pushing for revealing the details of the probe till date to the public, Shiv Sena (UBT) member Anil Parab supported the demand. “Doing that shall conclusively prove the innocence of Aditya Thackeray,” he said.

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