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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment...

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment as the state in-charge is a masterstroke of political rehabilitation and trust. While many political pundits anticipated Tawde might replace Dharmendra Pradhan in the Modi cabinet, the high command had a far more vital organizational mission in mind for the leader who, remarkably, found himself politically uprooted from his home turf of Maharashtra barely seven years ago. Serving as the Education Minister in the Devendra Fadnavis-led Maharashtra government, Tawde was a prominent and powerful face of the state BJP. However, the political winds shifted abruptly prior to the 2019 assembly elections. In a move that shocked many, his portfolios were drastically curtailed and handed over to Ashish Shelar, followed by the ultimate political blow: he was denied a ticket to contest from his stronghold constituency of Borivali. Whispers of a fierce, underlying political rivalry with Fadnavis flooded political circles, with widespread speculation suggesting that the Chief Minister had orchestrated the systematic downsizing of Tawde’s administrative influence to neutralize a potential competitor. Faced with a sudden, humiliating political exile, Tawde stood at a crossroads where many regional leaders opt for rebellion. Instead, he chose the path of extreme discipline, absorbing the setback and redirecting his focus entirely on national politics. Leveraging his deep, foundational roots in the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), Tawde utilized his vast organizational network—a residual strength that survived his loss of ministerial power. His political resurrection was championed by the then-BJP President J.P. Nadda, a fellow ABVP alumnus who shared a profound camaraderie with the exiled leader. Recognizing his untapped potential, Nadda brought him to Delhi, initiating a comeback that began with his appointment as the Haryana in-charge in 2020 and culminated in his rapid elevation to National General Secretary in 2021. Tawde’s tenure as an organizational architect quickly yielded dividends. After stabilizing the party apparatus in Haryana, he was thrown into the politically volatile cauldron of Bihar in 2022. The BJP was navigating an exceptionally hostile environment marred by the shifting allegiances of Nitish Kumar and the looming shadow of the RJD. Immersing himself in booth-level micro-management and delicate alliance negotiations, Tawde orchestrated a remarkable consolidation. His strategic maneuvers were instrumental when Nitish Kumar eventually returned to the NDA fold in 2023, paving the way for the coalition’s formidable performance in the subsequent 2024 Lok Sabha and 2025 Bihar Assembly elections. As his stock rose, the central leadership began entrusting him with prestige assignments that transcended typical state electoral politics. Tawde emerged as a highly effective backroom coordinator during the 2022 presidential election of Droupadi Murmu, seamlessly managing cross-party liaisons across multiple states. He replicated this managerial success during C.P. Radhakrishnan’s vice-presidential election in 2025. Beyond electoral arithmetic, Tawde spearheaded massive national outreach initiatives, leading the ‘Sanghatan Parv 2024’ membership drive and coordinating complex central campaigns ranging from ‘Har Ghar Tiranga’ to the delicate domestic communications during ‘Operation Ganga’ in Ukraine. Vinod Tawde has not merely returned from the political wilderness; he has conquered it, transforming a harsh regional sidelining into an undisputed mandate at the very heart of the nation’s political epicenter.

Marcos vs. Duterte: How the UniTeam Fell Apart

What began as a coalition of convenience has turned into a contest of survival.

Ferdinand Marcos Jr                                                               Sara Duterte
Ferdinand Marcos Jr Sara Duterte

Earlier this month, a routine administrative reshuffle sent shockwaves through Philippine politics. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) removed Col. Raymund Dante Lachica, head of the Vice Presidential Security Group (VPSG), without notifying Vice President Sara Duterte.


This was not merely a bureaucratic move but a bold political message. The removal signalled deeper institutional friction and was widely seen as evidence of the worsening ties between President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr and his vice president. Their “UniTeam” alliance had once projected unity, stability, and dynastic collaboration during the 2022 elections.


From alliance to antagonism

The UniTeam’s 2022 formation arose not from ideology but political expediency. Ferdinand Marcos Jr, representing the northern elite and business technocrats, allied with Sara Duterte, daughter of hardline populist ex-President Rodrigo Duterte, who dominated Mindanao and commanded a loyal base. Their combined machinery swept the elections, securing majorities and reshaping the nation’s power structure.


By mid-2023, cracks had begun to appear. Policy rifts emerged over education, public health, and governance. Sara Duterte pushed for a nationalistic, conservative curriculum, while Marcos backed liberal reforms and technocratic consensus. Cabinet reshuffles slowly edged out Duterte allies, deepening mistrust. In June 2024, she resigned as Education Secretary, citing irreconcilable policies and poor consultation.


What followed went beyond disagreement—it was the rise of rival political narratives. Marcos styled himself as a global-minded moderniser, courting investors and bolstering diplomacy. Duterte doubled down on populism, accusing the government of neglecting grassroots concerns and hoarding power in Manila. By late 2024, the UniTeam had devolved from an alliance into a battleground of competing agendas and loyalties.


The impeachment battle

The conflict intensified after four impeachment complaints were filed against Vice President Sara Duterte in December 2024. Allegations included misuse of intelligence funds and efforts to undermine the President through inflammatory statements and coercive tactics. In February 2025, the House approved the complaints, paving the way for a Senate trial.


The impeachment proceedings quickly dominated national discourse. Major TV networks, online influencers, and regional papers took sides. Pro- and anti-Duterte protests erupted in Davao and several provincial capitals. The issue also split the political class, leaving governors and mayors caught in a storm of pressure and potential retribution.


In July 2025, the Supreme Court issued a landmark ruling declaring the impeachment unconstitutional, citing the one-year bar on successive cases within the same legislative term. Duterte supporters hailed it as a victory for judicial independence, while Marcos allies warned of judicial overreach.


Military and security fault lines

The military’s role in the feud remained one of its most sensitive and volatile aspects. The abrupt removal of Col. Lachica in October, without protocol or prior coordination with the Vice President’s office, fuelled fears of creeping militarisation in civilian politics.


Earlier that year, anonymous reports surfaced of an aborted “soft coup” allegedly led by retired officers sympathetic to Duterte. Though the AFP denied the claims, the incident prompted a rare public address by the Chief of Staff, reaffirming the military’s loyalty to the Constitution and civilian rule. Shaped by the lessons of the 1986 and 2001 EDSA uprisings, the institution sought to project neutrality and professionalism.


Despite this, the military remains a powerful arbiter in political crises. Its stance may be neutral, but internal sentiments often reflect the nation’s broader political divides.


The political landscape ahead

With the once-dominant UniTeam now defunct, political alliances are rapidly realigning. President Marcos Jr is working to tighten control over key institutions and expand his base among centrists, technocrats, and Manila’s economic elite. His administration has doubled down on infrastructure, education reform, and foreign policy to position the Philippines as a key Indo-Pacific player.


Meanwhile, Vice President Duterte is rallying her base in Mindanao and the Visayas, drawing on her family’s entrenched networks and populist legacy. Her public appearances are more frequent, her rhetoric sharper. A new political party launch seems likely. Her local-first message resonates with voters who feel sidelined by the capital-centric policies of the current administration.


The rivalry is already reshaping legislative debates, with Senate and House blocs subtly realigning. Bills on decentralisation, education, and law enforcement have turned into political flashpoints. Provincial leaders are hedging their bets, balancing between both camps. Their decisions will strongly influence the path to the 2028 presidential race.


The Philippines has long faced cycles of elite rivalry, personality-driven politics, and institutional fragility. The Marcos-Duterte rift continues this pattern but may also mark a turning point. As 2028 approaches, key questions remain: Will the political system adapt, evolve, or fracture under the strain of dynastic rule? Can realignment foster policy coherence and democratic maturity, or will it entrench old weaknesses? The answers could shape the next decade of Philippine governance and stability.


(The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

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