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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

Muslims get that ‘sinking feeling, again’

Mumbai: Soon after sworn political adversaries Uddhav Thackeray of the Shiv Sena (UBT) and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray publicly embraced reconciliation, a familiar sense of unease spread among Maharashtra’s Muslims and other minorities.


For many, the reunion of the cousins after 20 years of separation was less about Marathi unity and more about political expediency, plus a grim reminder of how minority expectations remain expedient for self-serving politicians or parties all over.


Admittedly, sections of Muslims had begun to accept Uddhav Thackeray during his tenure as the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) Chief Minister, but are now a tad unsettled by the sudden political realignment.


Uddhav’s mild and all-inclusive governance as a ‘father figure’, perceived outreach and resistance to overt communal rhetoric had earned him cautious goodwill during the Covid-19 Pandemic days, but the rapprochement with Raj Thackeray - whose political style abhors many - raise fresh doubts.


Let Down

Of Maharashtra’s estimated 1.75 crore Muslims, a few voices sounded helpless more than outraged, with many feeling ‘let down’ and their expectations from a perceived ‘Messiah’ again dashed owing to political compulsions.


Marathi Muslim Seva Sangh (MMSS) President Faquir M. Thakur summed up the mood candidly. “We have not adopted any official stand yet. But there is no question of extending blanket support to any party. We are likely to remain neutral,” he said.


Thakur spoke wistfully of a deeper realisation within the community - that when Muslims and minorities face crises, meaningful political support is often lacking from those they trusted. This has led to more pragmatic voting decisions, influenced by candidates or parties committed to take principled positions on issues directly affecting the community.


On the concerns of increased social polarisation, Thakur said: “Society has become sharply divided along caste-communal lines. Yet many now feel that if the BJP were to abandon its hardline anti-Muslim posture, nobody will mind if it rules for a hundred years.”


Ideological Distortions 

Maulana Mohammad Burhanuddin Qasmi, Director of Markazul Ma’arif Education Research Centre, said that ideological commitment has virtually vanished from Indian politics. “Most parties and leaders today are neither genuinely Right nor Left. They are mere opportunists driven purely by self-interest,” he said.

 

In this context, he said that the MNS is no exception. After 2014, ideological distortions have only deepened, with frequent party-hopping becoming normalised, especially among smaller parties and their leaders.


Survival Tactic

Social activist Feroze Mithiborwala feels that Uddhav Thackeray had little choice but to align with Raj Thackeray to ensure consolidation of the Marathi votes, especially in Mumbai.


“The rival Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) is growing stronger, armed with money and institutional power, which poses a direct existential threat to the SS (UBT). So, the tie-up (with MNS) is a survival tactic,” he explained.


Expectedly, the new alliance rattled the Congress - given Raj Thackeray’s perceived hostility towards North Indians and Gujaratis - and it decided to go solo in Mumbai given its own unique support base, said Mithiborwala.


Power Politics 

Tasneem Shaikh, a retired private-sector executive, was more blunt. She described the development as “ruthless power politics” devoid of ideological sincerity. “All parties, especially those in power, are obsessed with winning seats and controlling institutions - for advantage and survival,” she said.


Questioning their power-centric intentions, Shaikh asked: “Who is genuinely addressing inflation, unemployment, education, law and order, or public amenities? These issues affect everyone, including minorities, yet they rarely dominate political discourse.”


Citing the 2024 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections, Thakur claimed that Muslims were again reduced to a vote-bank by parties across the spectrum, and “after securing our votes, those parties dwelt on their own selfish agendas, not the national interest”.


Maulana Qasmi predicts that the hand-shake between Thackeray cousins will primarily serve their mutual political interests, and Muslims are unlikely to view this alliance any differently when they exercise their franchise next month.


Though SS(UBT) banks heavily on the traditional Marathi support, it has also cultivated a growing minority voter base, but ultimately voters may select local candidates ready to champion minority concerns over political alliances, pointed out Mithiborwala.


In such a discouraging scenario, Shaikh feels minorities may be swayed only by candidates with integrity, accessibility, and a record of serving people without discrimination will matter more than party labels.


For a large chunk of Muslims, the Thackeray cousins’ reunion has rekindled that dreaded ‘sinking feeling’ with alliances shifting in the political quicksand - while the desperate minorities keep their fingers crossed for a helping hand.

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