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By:

Shoumojit Banerjee

27 August 2024 at 9:57:52 am

Classroom of Courage

In drought-scarred Maharashtra, a couple’s experiment in democratic schooling is turning child beggars into model citizens In the parched stretches of Maharashtra, from Solapur to the drought-hit villages of Marathwada, a modest social experiment has quietly unfolded for nearly two decades. It is neither a grand government scheme nor a corporate-backed charity. Since 2007, the Ajit Foundation, founded by Mahesh and Vinaya Nimbalkar, has worked with children living at the sharpest edges of...

Classroom of Courage

In drought-scarred Maharashtra, a couple’s experiment in democratic schooling is turning child beggars into model citizens In the parched stretches of Maharashtra, from Solapur to the drought-hit villages of Marathwada, a modest social experiment has quietly unfolded for nearly two decades. It is neither a grand government scheme nor a corporate-backed charity. Since 2007, the Ajit Foundation, founded by Mahesh and Vinaya Nimbalkar, has worked with children living at the sharpest edges of society in Maharashtra. The foundation has become a home for out-of-school children, those who have never enrolled, the children of migrant labourers and single parents, and those who scavenge at garbage dumps or drift between odd jobs. To call their foundation an “NGO” is to miss the point. Vinaya Nimbalkar describes it as a “democratic laboratory”, where education is not merely instruction but an initiation into citizenship. The couple were once government schoolteachers with the Solapur Zilla Parishad, leading stable lives. Yet what they witnessed unsettled them: children who had never held a pencil, begging at traffic signals or sorting refuse for a living. Prompted by this reality, the Nimbalkars resigned their jobs to work full-time for the education of such children. Leap of Faith They began modestly, teaching children in migrant settlements in Solapur and using their own salaries to pay small honorariums to activists. Funds soon ran dry, and volunteers drifted away. Forced out of their home because of their commitment to the cause, they started a one-room school where Vinaya, Mahesh, their infant son Srijan and forty children aged six to fourteen lived together as an unlikely family. The experiment later moved to Barshi in the Solapur district with support from Anandvan. Rural hardship, financial uncertainty and the pandemic repeatedly tested their resolve. At one stage, they assumed educational guardianship of nearly 200 children from families that survived by collecting scrap on the village outskirts. Eventually, the foundation relocated to Talegaon Dabhade near Pune, where it now runs a residential hostel. Twenty-five children currently live and study there. The numbers may seem modest, but the ambition is not. Democracy in Practice What distinguishes the Ajit Foundation is not only who it serves but also how it operates. Within its walls, democracy is practised through a Children’s Gram Panchayat and a miniature Municipal Council elected by the children themselves. Young candidates canvass, hold meetings and present their budgets. Children maintain accounts and share decisions about chores, activities and certain disciplinary matters. In a country where democratic culture is often reduced to voting, the foundation’s approach is quietly radical. It treats children from marginalised backgrounds as citizens in formation. The right to choose — whether to focus on sport, cooking, mathematics or cultural activities — is respected. “We try never to take away what is their own,” says Vinaya Nimbalkar. Rather than forcing every child into a uniform academic mould, individual abilities are encouraged. A boy skilled in daily calculations may not be pushed into hours of bookish study; a girl who excels in cooking may lead the kitchen team. For children who have known only precarity, standing for election, managing a budget or speaking at a meeting can be transformative. On International Women’s Day, the foundation seeks visibility not just for praise but for partnership. If you are inspired by their mission, consider supporting or collaborating—your involvement can help extend opportunities to more children in need.

Muslims get that ‘sinking feeling, again’

Mumbai: Soon after sworn political adversaries Uddhav Thackeray of the Shiv Sena (UBT) and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray publicly embraced reconciliation, a familiar sense of unease spread among Maharashtra’s Muslims and other minorities.


For many, the reunion of the cousins after 20 years of separation was less about Marathi unity and more about political expediency, plus a grim reminder of how minority expectations remain expedient for self-serving politicians or parties all over.


Admittedly, sections of Muslims had begun to accept Uddhav Thackeray during his tenure as the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) Chief Minister, but are now a tad unsettled by the sudden political realignment.


Uddhav’s mild and all-inclusive governance as a ‘father figure’, perceived outreach and resistance to overt communal rhetoric had earned him cautious goodwill during the Covid-19 Pandemic days, but the rapprochement with Raj Thackeray - whose political style abhors many - raise fresh doubts.


Let Down

Of Maharashtra’s estimated 1.75 crore Muslims, a few voices sounded helpless more than outraged, with many feeling ‘let down’ and their expectations from a perceived ‘Messiah’ again dashed owing to political compulsions.


Marathi Muslim Seva Sangh (MMSS) President Faquir M. Thakur summed up the mood candidly. “We have not adopted any official stand yet. But there is no question of extending blanket support to any party. We are likely to remain neutral,” he said.


Thakur spoke wistfully of a deeper realisation within the community - that when Muslims and minorities face crises, meaningful political support is often lacking from those they trusted. This has led to more pragmatic voting decisions, influenced by candidates or parties committed to take principled positions on issues directly affecting the community.


On the concerns of increased social polarisation, Thakur said: “Society has become sharply divided along caste-communal lines. Yet many now feel that if the BJP were to abandon its hardline anti-Muslim posture, nobody will mind if it rules for a hundred years.”


Ideological Distortions 

Maulana Mohammad Burhanuddin Qasmi, Director of Markazul Ma’arif Education Research Centre, said that ideological commitment has virtually vanished from Indian politics. “Most parties and leaders today are neither genuinely Right nor Left. They are mere opportunists driven purely by self-interest,” he said.

 

In this context, he said that the MNS is no exception. After 2014, ideological distortions have only deepened, with frequent party-hopping becoming normalised, especially among smaller parties and their leaders.


Survival Tactic

Social activist Feroze Mithiborwala feels that Uddhav Thackeray had little choice but to align with Raj Thackeray to ensure consolidation of the Marathi votes, especially in Mumbai.


“The rival Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) is growing stronger, armed with money and institutional power, which poses a direct existential threat to the SS (UBT). So, the tie-up (with MNS) is a survival tactic,” he explained.


Expectedly, the new alliance rattled the Congress - given Raj Thackeray’s perceived hostility towards North Indians and Gujaratis - and it decided to go solo in Mumbai given its own unique support base, said Mithiborwala.


Power Politics 

Tasneem Shaikh, a retired private-sector executive, was more blunt. She described the development as “ruthless power politics” devoid of ideological sincerity. “All parties, especially those in power, are obsessed with winning seats and controlling institutions - for advantage and survival,” she said.


Questioning their power-centric intentions, Shaikh asked: “Who is genuinely addressing inflation, unemployment, education, law and order, or public amenities? These issues affect everyone, including minorities, yet they rarely dominate political discourse.”


Citing the 2024 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections, Thakur claimed that Muslims were again reduced to a vote-bank by parties across the spectrum, and “after securing our votes, those parties dwelt on their own selfish agendas, not the national interest”.


Maulana Qasmi predicts that the hand-shake between Thackeray cousins will primarily serve their mutual political interests, and Muslims are unlikely to view this alliance any differently when they exercise their franchise next month.


Though SS(UBT) banks heavily on the traditional Marathi support, it has also cultivated a growing minority voter base, but ultimately voters may select local candidates ready to champion minority concerns over political alliances, pointed out Mithiborwala.


In such a discouraging scenario, Shaikh feels minorities may be swayed only by candidates with integrity, accessibility, and a record of serving people without discrimination will matter more than party labels.


For a large chunk of Muslims, the Thackeray cousins’ reunion has rekindled that dreaded ‘sinking feeling’ with alliances shifting in the political quicksand - while the desperate minorities keep their fingers crossed for a helping hand.

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