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By:

Abhijit Joshi

31 August 2024 at 10:09:24 am

Sunetra Pawar’s Trial by Fire

The greatest challenge before Maharashtra’s first Deputy CM is not merely to govern, but to forge a political identity that is unmistakably her own. Politics often rewards the loudest voice. The modern political arena thrives on sharp sound bites, relentless television appearances and instant responses on social media. Yet, some leaders begin their journey not with thunder but with quiet resolve. Maharashtra’s Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar finds herself at precisely such a moment. In...

Sunetra Pawar’s Trial by Fire

The greatest challenge before Maharashtra’s first Deputy CM is not merely to govern, but to forge a political identity that is unmistakably her own. Politics often rewards the loudest voice. The modern political arena thrives on sharp sound bites, relentless television appearances and instant responses on social media. Yet, some leaders begin their journey not with thunder but with quiet resolve. Maharashtra’s Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar finds herself at precisely such a moment. In recent days, she has been drawn into an avoidable political controversy after the Maharashtra Congress dubbed her as “Gungi Gudiya” (“mute doll”) following a media interaction in which she chose not to answer journalists' questions. The remark quickly snowballed into a wider debate about the language used against women occupying high constitutional office. It also revived memories of the same epithet once directed at late Congress Prime Minister Indira Gandhi before she went on to become one of India’s most formidable political figures. Until recently, Sunetra Pawar remained largely outside the glare of frontline politics. She was better known in Baramati for her work in education, healthcare and social welfare than for fiery speeches or electoral campaigns. Her public image was that of a composed, private individual who preferred institution-building to political theatre. Political Limelight That changed in 2024 when she entered electoral politics, contesting the Lok Sabha election from Baramati against her sister-in-law, Supriya Sule. Though unsuccessful, she later entered Parliament through the Rajya Sabha, where she quietly focused on organisational responsibilities and social initiatives rather than cultivating a high-profile parliamentary persona. The defining moment came in January this year with the tragic death of her husband, Ajit Pawar, one of the state’s most experienced and influential political leaders. His passing created a political vacuum within the Nationalist Congress Party. At a moment of uncertainty, Sunetra Pawar stepped forward to shoulder responsibilities that few had imagined she would inherit so soon. Within days, she became Maharashtra’s first woman Deputy Chief Minister - a milestone in the state’s political history. But such transitions are rarely straightforward. Political parties often struggle when towering personalities disappear, and observers had predicted that the NCP might witness internal divisions. Maintaining organisational cohesion during a leadership transition is itself a considerable achievement, particularly in a state where political loyalties are often fluid and intensely personalised. However, much of the public conversation around Sunetra Pawar continues to be framed through comparisons with Ajit Pawar. The contrast is obvious. Ajit Pawar was known for his decisiveness, administrative grip and unmistakable public presence. Sunetra Pawar, by contrast, has generally remained soft-spoken, measured and reluctant to engage in unnecessary confrontation. Her supporters see restraint, dignity and maturity but critics see hesitation and insufficient public engagement. Neither assessment is entirely unfair. That is why the recent Beed incident acquired significance beyond a routine press interaction. When reporters sought her comments on law and order and she chose to leave without responding, the political vacuum was quickly filled by her opponents. The Congress’s “Gungi Gudiya” remark predictably provoked protests from the NCP and criticism from leaders across the ruling alliance, many of whom argued that such language diminished the dignity of a woman holding one of the state’s highest offices. Sunetra Pawar’s own response was notably restrained. She said she would offer a “fitting reply at the appropriate time.” The remark was consistent with the temperament she has displayed since entering public life. Leadership is ultimately judged not only by composure but also by visibility. Every major political figure eventually reaches a point where inherited legitimacy must give way to earned authority. Indira Gandhi had to step beyond Jawaharlal Nehru's towering legacy before she was recognised in her own right. Rajiv Gandhi, too, had to emerge from the shadow of Indira Gandhi while navigating extraordinary political circumstances. Their journeys were shaped by vastly different contexts, but they illustrate a universal truth: every successor must eventually become an original. Sunetra Pawar now confronts a similar, though far more modest, challenge. She must cease to be viewed primarily as “Ajit Pawar's wife” and come into her own. Distinct Identity That transformation cannot be achieved through symbolism alone. After all, lasting political stature is built through decisions, administrative outcomes and public confidence. To her credit, she has remained engaged with governance, regularly attending official programmes, reviewing development projects and interacting with citizens instead of chasing daily headlines. Yet the next stage of leadership demands something more. She will need to engage more confidently with the media, articulate her government's priorities in her own voice, and establish an administrative record that reflects independent judgement rather than inherited expectations. These are demanding tasks, but they are neither unusual nor unattainable. It is still too soon to measure Sunetra Pawar’s political legacy. She assumed responsibility at a moment when both her party and the state were adjusting to an unexpected transition, and has so far navigated that passage with composure. Yet political inheritance has a limited shelf life. While quietness, in itself, is neither a virtue nor a weakness, it acquires meaning only when it is accompanied by clarity and conviction. If Sunetra Pawar is to leave an enduring imprint on Maharashtra's politics, it will not be by echoing the style of Ajit Pawar or by answering every taunt from her opponents. It will be by developing a public voice that reflects her own instincts, her own priorities and, ultimately, her own leadership. (The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

Muslims get that ‘sinking feeling, again’

Mumbai: Soon after sworn political adversaries Uddhav Thackeray of the Shiv Sena (UBT) and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray publicly embraced reconciliation, a familiar sense of unease spread among Maharashtra’s Muslims and other minorities.


For many, the reunion of the cousins after 20 years of separation was less about Marathi unity and more about political expediency, plus a grim reminder of how minority expectations remain expedient for self-serving politicians or parties all over.


Admittedly, sections of Muslims had begun to accept Uddhav Thackeray during his tenure as the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) Chief Minister, but are now a tad unsettled by the sudden political realignment.


Uddhav’s mild and all-inclusive governance as a ‘father figure’, perceived outreach and resistance to overt communal rhetoric had earned him cautious goodwill during the Covid-19 Pandemic days, but the rapprochement with Raj Thackeray - whose political style abhors many - raise fresh doubts.


Let Down

Of Maharashtra’s estimated 1.75 crore Muslims, a few voices sounded helpless more than outraged, with many feeling ‘let down’ and their expectations from a perceived ‘Messiah’ again dashed owing to political compulsions.


Marathi Muslim Seva Sangh (MMSS) President Faquir M. Thakur summed up the mood candidly. “We have not adopted any official stand yet. But there is no question of extending blanket support to any party. We are likely to remain neutral,” he said.


Thakur spoke wistfully of a deeper realisation within the community - that when Muslims and minorities face crises, meaningful political support is often lacking from those they trusted. This has led to more pragmatic voting decisions, influenced by candidates or parties committed to take principled positions on issues directly affecting the community.


On the concerns of increased social polarisation, Thakur said: “Society has become sharply divided along caste-communal lines. Yet many now feel that if the BJP were to abandon its hardline anti-Muslim posture, nobody will mind if it rules for a hundred years.”


Ideological Distortions 

Maulana Mohammad Burhanuddin Qasmi, Director of Markazul Ma’arif Education Research Centre, said that ideological commitment has virtually vanished from Indian politics. “Most parties and leaders today are neither genuinely Right nor Left. They are mere opportunists driven purely by self-interest,” he said.

 

In this context, he said that the MNS is no exception. After 2014, ideological distortions have only deepened, with frequent party-hopping becoming normalised, especially among smaller parties and their leaders.


Survival Tactic

Social activist Feroze Mithiborwala feels that Uddhav Thackeray had little choice but to align with Raj Thackeray to ensure consolidation of the Marathi votes, especially in Mumbai.


“The rival Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) is growing stronger, armed with money and institutional power, which poses a direct existential threat to the SS (UBT). So, the tie-up (with MNS) is a survival tactic,” he explained.


Expectedly, the new alliance rattled the Congress - given Raj Thackeray’s perceived hostility towards North Indians and Gujaratis - and it decided to go solo in Mumbai given its own unique support base, said Mithiborwala.


Power Politics 

Tasneem Shaikh, a retired private-sector executive, was more blunt. She described the development as “ruthless power politics” devoid of ideological sincerity. “All parties, especially those in power, are obsessed with winning seats and controlling institutions - for advantage and survival,” she said.


Questioning their power-centric intentions, Shaikh asked: “Who is genuinely addressing inflation, unemployment, education, law and order, or public amenities? These issues affect everyone, including minorities, yet they rarely dominate political discourse.”


Citing the 2024 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections, Thakur claimed that Muslims were again reduced to a vote-bank by parties across the spectrum, and “after securing our votes, those parties dwelt on their own selfish agendas, not the national interest”.


Maulana Qasmi predicts that the hand-shake between Thackeray cousins will primarily serve their mutual political interests, and Muslims are unlikely to view this alliance any differently when they exercise their franchise next month.


Though SS(UBT) banks heavily on the traditional Marathi support, it has also cultivated a growing minority voter base, but ultimately voters may select local candidates ready to champion minority concerns over political alliances, pointed out Mithiborwala.


In such a discouraging scenario, Shaikh feels minorities may be swayed only by candidates with integrity, accessibility, and a record of serving people without discrimination will matter more than party labels.


For a large chunk of Muslims, the Thackeray cousins’ reunion has rekindled that dreaded ‘sinking feeling’ with alliances shifting in the political quicksand - while the desperate minorities keep their fingers crossed for a helping hand.

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