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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

New Delhi’s New Geometry

Grand summits rarely live up to their billing. Yet the recent G20 gathering in Johannesburg, overshadowed by America’s conspicuous absence, nonetheless produced an unexpected diplomatic ripple: the articulation of a tentative new strategic triangle linking India, Australia and Canada. Framed as a partnership for technology, clean energy and resilient supply chains, the initiative says much about how middle powers are reshaping the world’s geopolitical geometry.


For Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the summit provided another global stage on which to project a confident moral leadership. His speeches, steeped in India’s tradition of integrated humanism cast development not merely as economic expansion but as a civilisational project.


The India-Australia-Canada alignment is not a military pact nor a formal bloc. Instead, it is a technocratic coalition, organised around cooperation in clean energy, artificial intelligence, critical minerals and supply-chain resilience. In an era of tariff wars, technological decoupling and increasingly muscular Chinese industrial policy, this informal alliance shows how such domains have become the new currency of power.


Intriguing alliance

In strategic terms, the three partners are an intriguing match. India brings demographic, economic and digital scale. Australia offers resources, especially in critical minerals essential for batteries, electric vehicles and renewable energy systems. Canada contributes advanced research ecosystems, institutional depth and credibility in global governance. Each is a democracy; each is uneasy about economic over-dependence on China; and each is searching for hedges in an increasingly transactional world.


The initiative also reflects a quiet recalibration of the Indo-Pacific idea itself. Once the preserve of naval strategists and military planners, the region is now being reimagined as a vast laboratory of technology, climate policy and industrial strategy. Security, in this vision, flows as much from resilient supply chains and semiconductor fabs as from aircraft carriers.


At the heart of the new partnership lies a bet on innovation as the engine of inclusive growth. The joint statement issued by the three governments places heavy emphasis on artificial intelligence “with a human face,” green energy transitions and the diversification of supply chains away from chokepoints and monopolies. Officials will begin formal consultations in 2026. Joint research programmes, student exchanges and industrial collaboration are all on the table.


India’s digital public infrastructure has already become a template for low-cost technological leapfrogging. Australia is repositioning itself as a clean-energy superpower. Canada, meanwhile, remains one of the world’s most attractive science destinations. If aligned effectively, their complementarities could indeed generate real economic and social dividends.


The venture is also born of anxieties rather than only ambition. Global trade is fragmenting. America’s industrial policy has turned inward. Europe is paralysed by regulation. China, faced with slowing growth, is doubling down on state-led techno-nationalism. Middle powers are scrambling to insulate themselves from volatility. The new triangle is one such insurance policy.


Still, the risks of overstatement are considerable. Coordination across three continents, three political systems and three bureaucratic cultures will be slow.


There is also the geopolitical subtext. Though the partnership is framed as non-aligned and development-oriented, its logic is undeniably shaped by China’s expanding industrial footprint and its ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. Beijing will view any attempt to reorganise supply chains or dominate critical-mineral ecosystems with suspicion. Whether the triangle can build without provoking will be a delicate balancing act.


For Modi, the alignment serves both strategic and symbolic ends. It reinforces India’s claim to be a leader of the Global South while embedding it more deeply into advanced technology networks. It also reflects his broader diplomatic style: pragmatic, multi-aligned and relentlessly transactional, yet wrapped in civilisational language.


Whether this triangle endures will depend on the number of visas issued, contracts signed, research funded and factories built. Innovation does not thrive on declarations alone. It thrives on patient capital, institutional trust and legal certainty.


If the promises are kept, cooperation among India, Australia and Canada could indeed help shape a more stable Indo-Pacific anchored less in confrontation and more in shared prosperity. If not, it risks joining the long list of ambitious diplomatic architectures that looked impressive on launch day and quietly faded thereafter.


(The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

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