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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Thackerays cede hinterland to Mahayuti war machine

Mumbai: The dust is rising in the semi-urban towns of Akola, Amravati, and Parbhani, but it is not from the cavalcade of the “Tigers” of Maharashtra. As the campaign for elections to over 242 municipal councils and 42 nagar panchayats reaches a fever pitch ahead of the December 2 vote, a curious silence hangs over the opposition camp. While Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and his deputies, Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, are engaged in a “carpet bombing” campaign—crisscrossing the state with...

Thackerays cede hinterland to Mahayuti war machine

Mumbai: The dust is rising in the semi-urban towns of Akola, Amravati, and Parbhani, but it is not from the cavalcade of the “Tigers” of Maharashtra. As the campaign for elections to over 242 municipal councils and 42 nagar panchayats reaches a fever pitch ahead of the December 2 vote, a curious silence hangs over the opposition camp. While Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and his deputies, Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, are engaged in a “carpet bombing” campaign—crisscrossing the state with the ferocity of a general election—the Thackeray brothers, Uddhav and Raj, are conspicuously absent from the rural stump. Their absence is not just a scheduling quirk; it is a symptom of the new, ruthless realpolitik that has gripped Maharashtra. The ruling Mahayuti alliance has adopted a “no election is too small” doctrine. For CM Fadnavis, these local body polls are not merely about civic amenities; they are a structural imperative. By treating municipal council elections with the gravity of a legislative assembly battle—holding 4-5 rallies a day—the BJP is aiming to capture the “supply lines” of Maharashtra’s politics. Municipal councils control local contracts, town planning, and, crucially, the mobilization networks that deliver votes in bigger elections. Existential legitimacy DCM Eknath Shinde, too, is fighting for existential legitimacy. His faction’s presence in these polls is a test of whether his “Shiv Sena” has truly inherited the grassroots cadre or if it remains a legislative coup without a popular base. The heavy presence of the CM and DCMs in small towns sends a powerful message to the local voter: “We are here, we have the resources, and we control the tap.” In stark contrast, the Shiv Sena (UBT) and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) appear to have drawn a defensive perimeter around the Mumbai-Pune-Nashik belt—the state’s urban “Golden Triangle.” Uddhav Thackeray’s campaign strategy has been remarkably insular. Instead of matching the Mahayuti’s rally-for-rally blitz in the districts, the UBT leadership has remained anchored in Mumbai, fighting a narrative war rather than an electoral one. The recent “Satyacha Morcha” (March for Truth) focused heavily on alleged irregularities in Mumbai’s voter lists. While this is a critical systemic issue, it is a “meta-battle” that resonates little with a voter in rural Vidarbha worrying about water supply or road contracts. The perception that the Thackerays have “left the whole of Maharashtra” to the Mahayuti is rooted in resource allocation. Stripped of the party name, symbol, and funds, the UBT faction seems to be conserving its depleted energy for the upcoming “crown jewel” battles—the Municipal Corporations of Mumbai (BMC) and Thane. They appear to have calculated that retaining Mumbai is a matter of survival, while winning a council in Jalgaon or Solapur is a luxury they cannot afford to chase. Outsourcing opposition This retreat has left a vacuum in the hinterland. In many of the 242 councils, the “Maha Vikas Aghadi” (MVA) challenge has effectively been outsourced to local satraps of the Congress and the NCP (Sharad Pawar). The Congress is busy trying to save remains of its erstwhile bastions. In regions like Vidarbha, the battle is being fought by local Congress units, often contesting independently or in “friendly fights” with UBT candidates. While, the NCP (SP) faction retains influence in Western Maharashtra without the unified “air cover” of a joint MVA leadership tour, these local battles have turned into disjointed skirmishes against a unified Mahayuti army. The Shiv Sena (UBT) has effectively ceded the semi-urban space to its allies, or worse, to its enemies. This is a dangerous gamble. If the Mahayuti sweeps these councils, they will build a fortress of local patronage that will be nearly impossible to breach in the next Assembly election. The current state of realpolitik in Maharashtra is characterized by an asymmetry of ambition. The BJP-led alliance is playing to conquer the state’s geography, ensuring their writ runs from the Mantralaya to the smallest Nagar Panchayat. The Thackerays, meanwhile, are playing to protect their history and their core urban identity. By remaining unseen in the hinterland, the Thackeray brothers may be inadvertently signalling that they are no longer pan-Maharashtra leaders, but rather the chieftains of a shrinking urban empire. In politics, visibility is viability. In the dusty towns of rural Maharashtra, the only flags flying high today are saffron—but they are being waved by Fadnavis and Shinde, not the heirs of Balasaheb. Uddhav, Raj Thackeray meet again Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray on Thursday met Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) president Raj in Mumbai and both leaders are understood to have discussed seat-sharing arrangements for the upcoming municipal corporation polls. Uddhav visited ‘Shivtirth’, the residence of Raj in Dadar in central Mumbai, the latest in a series of meetings this year between the once politically estranged cousins who have been warming up to each other in recent times amid signs of reconciliation and possible alliance between their parties. Although the Shiv Sena (UBT) and MNS are yet to formally announce an alliance, the Thackeray cousins have given enough hints of an imminent tie-up for local body polls, especially the crucial Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) and other civic bodies in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region, Pune and Nashik, where the two outfits have pockets of influence. A Shiv Sena (UBT) leader disclosed that during the meeting, Uddhav and Raj are believed to have discussed potential seat-sharing between their parties for the civic polls and also the alleged irregularities in voters list, an issue which the Opposition has been raising vociferously. They also discussed the reported resistance by the Congress, a partner of the Shiv Sena (UBT), to align with the MNS, he said. Earlier this week, Uddhav and Raj had submitted a letter to the State Election Commission seeking more time to submit objections and suggestions in draft voters list. Ten pc Mumbai voters have duplicate entries Nearly 10.64 per cent or more than 11 lakh of Mumbai’s 1.03 crore electorate have duplicate enrolments in the electoral roll, as per data shared by the Maharashtra State Election Commission (SEC). The data shows that a majority of wards with the highest number of duplicate voters were previously represented by Opposition corporators. The SEC on Wednesday extended the deadline for submitting objections from November 27 to December 3. The final voters’ list will be published on December 10, according to a statement issued by the SEC. The data shows that 4.33 lakh voters appear more than once in the draft voters’ list published last week, with multiple entries ranging from two to as many as 103 times. This has pushed the total number of duplicate enrolments to 11,01,505. The SEC has attributed the repetition of names to factors such as printing errors, voters’ relocation, and failure to remove the names of deceased persons. Booth-level workers will now conduct field visits, fill forms, and obtain verification undertakings to ensure each voter is listed only once, officials said. An SEC official indicated that Mumbai’s civic elections, slated to be completed by January 31, 2026, as per a Supreme Court directive, may see a slight delay. Depending on the pace of corrections by the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), the polls could either be held by the end of January or the SEC may seek an extension to the first week of February, he added. The SEC data further shows that four of the five wards with the highest number of duplicate voters were previously represented by Opposition corporators from parties such as Shiv Sena (UBT) and the Nationalist Congress Party (SP). Two of these wards fall under the Worli assembly constituency, represented by Sena (UBT) MLA Aaditya Thackeray.

Olympic Overture

Ahmedabad’s selection as host of the 2030 Commonwealth Games is more than just a sporting milestone for India. It is a strategic wager on our global ambitions, urban future and a firm claim to be taken seriously as a host of mega-events in an era when much of the world is quietly retreating from them. The centenary edition of the Games, which returns to India after two decades, will test not merely our country’s organisational prowess but its political economy of spectacle.


For the Commonwealth movement, the choice of Ahmedabad is itself a statement of survival. The Games have lately looked like a stranded relic of empire, unwanted by most rich countries and unaffordable for many poor ones. Australia’s abrupt withdrawal from the 2026 edition after costs ballooned was a warning that the old model had become unsustainable. Glasgow’s willingness to rescue a stripped-down version of the event next year bought time, not certainty. India’s bid has now provided the clearest lifeline with the scale to absorb costs, the political will to override hesitation and a demographic profile that still believes in the power of sporting nationalism.


For India, the calculation is unmistakable. The 2030 Games are a rehearsal for hosting the 2036 Olympics and Paralympics, again with Ahmedabad as the centrepiece. The Commonwealth Games allow India to demonstrate delivery without fully exposing itself to Olympic-scale risks. If it succeeds, it strengthens a geopolitical argument that India is ready to join the exclusive club of countries capable of staging the world’s biggest civic festival.


The sporting menu itself will be tightly curated. With only 15 to 17 disciplines planned, organisers are aiming for relevance over sprawl. The list under consideration leans heavily towards sports in which India already performs well, from shooting and wrestling to badminton and hockey. The real innovation, though, lies in the openness to traditional disciplines. The possible inclusion of kabaddi and yogasana is as much cultural assertion as competitive logic.


India’s last hosting of the Games, in Delhi in 2010, was a paradox of success and scandal that was admired for its spectacle but marred by corruption, delays and inflated costs. Ahmedabad’s promise rests on learning the right lessons.


The urban implications will be profound. Ahmedabad is already being positioned as India’s next sporting hub, with ambitions that extend beyond a single tournament. If managed well, investment could accelerate public transport, waterfront redevelopment and regional connectivity.


There is also the question of timing. An October window, chosen to coincide with India’s festive calendar, would fuse domestic celebration with international spectacle. That is a politically astute move.


At a time when India is projecting itself as a bridge between blocs and a voice of the Global South, the centenary Games offer soft power dividends. Hosting nations from across the Commonwealth at a moment of geopolitical flux allows India to anchor influence through culture and sport rather than alignment alone.

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