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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Battered Modi govt faces ultimate alliance test

A CJP supporter celebrates in Nagpur on Saturday. Pic: PTI Mumbai: For only the second time in its 12-year tenure, the Modi government has been forced to bow down. The dramatic resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan is not just a cabinet reshuffle; it marks the climax of a gruelling political standoff that has left the ruling dispensation visibly wounded. What began as a student outcry over exam irregularities morphed into a massive siege, exposing cracks in the...

Battered Modi govt faces ultimate alliance test

A CJP supporter celebrates in Nagpur on Saturday. Pic: PTI Mumbai: For only the second time in its 12-year tenure, the Modi government has been forced to bow down. The dramatic resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan is not just a cabinet reshuffle; it marks the climax of a gruelling political standoff that has left the ruling dispensation visibly wounded. What began as a student outcry over exam irregularities morphed into a massive siege, exposing cracks in the government's much-touted armour of invincibility. Now, as the dust settles at Jantar Mantar, the corridors of power in Delhi are whispering about a larger, more existential threat. The true challenge for the BJP no longer lies on the streets, but within the ranks of its own National Democratic Alliance (NDA) partners. ​Critics and political analysts are drawing sharp parallels between this student-led movement and the farmers' agitation from a few years ago. There is a strong sentiment within government circles that, much like the Kisan protests, which faced allegations of being fuelled by foreign funding, this current uprising did not stem entirely from a genuine, organic grassroots genesis. Instead, political observers note the presence of organized anarchist elements that quickly capitalised on the national outrage. ​This time, these elements appeared far stronger, and in stark contrast, the establishment looked surprisingly weak and reactive. The ultimate giveaway of the movement's broader political ambitions came moments after Pradhan stepped down. Abhijeet Dipke, the face of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), declared from the protest stage that the resignation was merely the "first wicket". This cricket analogy was a thinly veiled political declaration, making it amply clear that the underlying agenda of the protests extends far beyond education reforms, aiming directly at a regime change. Dipke’s words guarantee that the agitation, in some form or another, will continue. Tactical Victory ​To its credit, the government did manage a tactical victory by keeping the protesters' demands strictly focused on Pradhan's resignation. By doing so, they prevented the narrative from entirely engulfing the top leadership. However, the strategic damage to the ruling party has been catastrophic. The Modi administration has spent over a decade cultivating an image of a stubborn, decisive, and unyielding force that does not cave to public pressure. That image has now taken a severe, perhaps irreversible, beating. ​ During negotiations with activist and educationist Sonam Wangchuk, the government had already made it amply clear that it was actively considering Pradhan's exit. Yet, it inexplicably took almost a week to finally pull the plug and end the standoff. This delay highlights the enormity of the internal challenges and a creeping paralysis within the highest echelons of power. The establishment was likely suffering from a deep-seated complacency, overconfidently assuming the agitation would naturally fizzle out. It took more than 20 days of Wangchuk's hunger strike to finally shatter that hubris and force Delhi’s hand. ​ When juxtaposed with the last four major national agitations—stretching all the way from the Ram Mandir movement to the Anna Hazare anti-corruption crusade—the government's handling of this crisis stands out as an anomaly. The use of police force and state machinery remained remarkably minimal this time around. Despite this restrained approach, the reputational blow the government has suffered appears to be the maximum it has ever faced. A government that prides itself on immense strength is now being perceived as vulnerable. Political Mileage ​In the battle for political mileage, the opposition naturally tried to swoop in. The Congress party and Rahul Gandhi made concerted efforts to hijack the momentum mid-way, attempting to paint the movement in their own political colours. But the youth on the streets fiercely guarded their independence. The ultimate credit for bringing the government to its knees has squarely gone to Dipke. He emerged as the undisputed architect of the victory, leaving the traditional political opposition watching from the sidelines. Real Quake ​But the real political earthquake is yet to be measured. The government's bruised image sets the stage for its toughest political test yet. A weakened BJP center immediately alters the power dynamics within the NDA. The regional satraps and political allies who prop up the Modi government are watching closely. They have witnessed the ruling party blink, and they have seen that the mighty center can be forced into submission. ​ The immediate future of this administration now hinges completely on how these allies interpret this vulnerability. Will they demand larger portfolios? Will they force policy rollbacks of their own? The script for the next act of this high-stakes political play will not be written by the opposition, nor by the activists on the streets. It will be authored by the NDA allies who sit inside the government. For the Modi administration, the real crisis has only just begun. Prahlad Joshi appointed as Education Minister Union Minister Prahlad Joshi has been appointed as Education Minister following Dharmendra Pradhan's resignation from the post on Saturday. Joshi has been given additional charge of the Education Ministry besides his role as Consumer Affairs Minister. A Rashtrapati Bhavan communique said the President, as advised by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has accepted the resignation of Pradhan with immediate effect. It said that on the advice of the Prime Minister, the President has directed that Joshi, Cabinet Minister, be assigned the charge of the Ministry of Education, in addition to his own duties. Earlier in the day, Pradhan resigned from his post following the Cockroach Janta Party-led student protests across the country, demanding his ouster over the NEET paper leak controversy. Pradhan said it is not a matter of "individual prestige" for him and he is disturbed to see the series of events that have unfolded in the last 10 days.

On the Brink in Tehran

Economic despair at home and American bluster abroad have revived old fears of regime change in Iran.

Iran has seen protests before that have changed the course of its history. It has seen foreign pressure, sanctions and threats in abundance. But what makes the present moment unsettling is the coincidence of both. Ever since demonstrations spread across the country last month, sparked by a collapsing currency and surging prices, they have quickly become entangled with a far more combustible question whether Iran could once again find itself in Washington’s crosshairs.


Over the past year the Iranian rial has lost more than a third of its value against the dollar. Inflation is running above 40 percent. For ordinary Iranians, food, rent and fuel now cost far more than wages can bear. Shopkeepers were the first to revolt, shuttering their businesses in protest against mounting losses. University students followed. Soon, the streets filled with people from across social classes, in at least 23 of Iran’s 31 provinces. By official counts, at least 16 people have been killed and hundreds detained; unofficial estimates suggest more. Security forces have fanned out across major cities. Clashes have become routine.


Contradictory Responses

The leadership’s response has been characteristically contradictory. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader, acknowledged the protesters’ economic grievances. Yet he coupled sympathy with menace, insisting that “rioters must be put in their place,” which has been widely read as a licence for a harsher crackdown. The government, meanwhile, has reached for fiscal palliatives. From January 10, it plans to offer a monthly allowance, roughly $7 per person, credited for the purchase of basic goods. Whether this film calms the streets is doubtful.


The unrest has unsettled not only Tehran but also capitals farther afield. India, which has nearly 3,000 medical students in Iran, has issued a travel advisory and is quietly dusting off contingency plans. Iranian diaspora communities, from Europe to North America, have staged solidarity protests, amplifying international scrutiny. Yet it is Washington’s reaction that has most alarmed Iran’s rulers.


President Donald Trump has issued fresh warnings amid his bellicose theatrics. “If they start killing people like they have in the past,” he said recently, “I think they’re going to get hit very hard by the United States.” What, precisely, would be “hit” remains unspecified. But ambiguity, in this case, is the point. Iranian officials accuse America and Israel of stoking unrest. Unverified reports have even circulated that Khamenei has contemplated decamping to Moscow should matters spiral further.


Trump’s threats against Iran come in the shadow of his recent strike in Venezuela, which has sent ripples of anxiety across capitals from Latin America to the Middle East. Since that operation he has issued warnings - some explicit, others oblique - towards a grab-bag of countries including Colombia, Cuba, Mexico and even Greenland, a self-governing territory of Denmark. On January 4, he declared that America was “in the business of having countries around us that are viable and successful and where the oil is allowed to freely come out.” Few missed the implication.


What is striking is not only the breadth of Trump’s targets but also the muted response from much of the world. Russia and China have confined themselves to platitudes about sovereignty. Europe has wrung its hands.


Growing Unease

Even within America, unease is growing. Some of Trump’s allies have begun to question the wisdom of another flirtation with overseas intervention. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican from Georgia, warned that military adventurism was precisely what many of the MAGA faithful believed they had voted to end. With inflation stubborn, public services strained and taxpayers weary of foreign entanglements, she argued, America has little appetite for funding another distant conflict. Thomas Massie, a congressman from Kentucky, was blunter: Venezuela, he said, was “not about drugs; it’s about oil and regime change.”


Those criticisms underscore a central paradox of the present moment. Trump’s rhetoric suggests a willingness to use force to bend recalcitrant states to America’s will. Yet the domestic and strategic constraints on such action remain formidable, and nowhere more so than in Iran. A full-scale invasion would be a last resort, and for good reason. Iran is vast, populous and far more militarily capable than America’s past adversaries in Iraq or Afghanistan. Any ground war would be costly and could easily metastasise into a regional conflagration, drawing in Iran’s network of allies and proxies across the Middle East. After two decades of grinding wars, American public opinion shows scant enthusiasm for another.


That reality has shaped Washington’s Iran policy for years. Sanctions, diplomacy, cyber operations and limited military actions have been the preferred tools. Confrontations have been indirect, as in naval incidents in the Gulf, shadow wars in cyberspace, tit-for-tat strikes through proxies. Nuclear negotiations, however fraught, have offered an off-ramp. This pattern is more likely to persist than a dramatic march on Tehran.


Still, the combination of internal unrest and external pressure is combustible. Iran’s leaders insist they remain firmly in control, festooning Tehran with banners warning foreign powers against intervention. Yet history suggests that regimes under economic strain are more brittle than they appear. At the same time, history also counsels caution to would-be interveners. The kidnapping-style removal of a sovereign leader as in Venezuela’s case sets a very ugly precedent indeed.


For India, the moment calls for watchfulness. New Delhi has long prided itself on a foreign policy grounded in strategic autonomy and a certain moral fastidiousness. As the new year begins, the world finds itself watching Iran with a familiar mix of anxiety and fatalism. The convergence of economic despair and Trump's geopolitical swagger has made Tehran, once again, a fault-line in a jittery world. 


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