top of page

By:

Shoma A. Chatterji

21 August 2024 at 10:49:40 am

The Pallbearer’s Tragedy

Three decades after its premiere, Rangakarmee’s Mayyat remains a searing theatrical indictment of caste. Rangakarmee is perhaps the only theatre group that has been producing and performing plays in Hindi in Kolkata for 50 years this year. Founded and headed by the late Usha Ganguly, it is still as active and dynamic in presenting Hindi plays mainly new and sometimes recreating for the new audience, old plays that are timeless in their content and their appeal. The amazing feature of Mayyat...

The Pallbearer’s Tragedy

Three decades after its premiere, Rangakarmee’s Mayyat remains a searing theatrical indictment of caste. Rangakarmee is perhaps the only theatre group that has been producing and performing plays in Hindi in Kolkata for 50 years this year. Founded and headed by the late Usha Ganguly, it is still as active and dynamic in presenting Hindi plays mainly new and sometimes recreating for the new audience, old plays that are timeless in their content and their appeal. The amazing feature of Mayyat is that it was first performed by Usha Ganguly and her troupe way back in 1997 and has already performed around 500 shows spanning 30 years and signifies the cross-generational reach and popularity of the play. We saw a group of absolutely new actors dedicated to Rangakarmee. Their performance defined the strict discipline, the constant workouts and rehearsals to keep mobile and flexible because the very big cast needed to be perfect in body, mind and spirit during each 45-minute performance. What does the word Maiyyat mean? It is said to have its roots in Arabic and literally, it translates as ‘dead body’ or ‘corpse.’ The play is rooted in the deep internalization among the low castes of their exploitation and torture by the Brahmins of their village. The Brahmins are proud in their gait, their body language and even in their pure form of dress with the holy thread of Brahminism proudly on display. The custom of the proud, arrogant and rude Brahmins is to choose at least one among the four untouchables to become the pall-bearer when someone of the upper-caste dies. Instead of feeling sad or insulted, the chosen untouchable feels blessed and proud for being allowed by this strange custom of becoming a fake “Brahmin” if even for one day. Lakku is one such untouchable who lives somewhere near Aurangabad and leads a miserable life of poverty with the burden of a mentally deranged, motherless son he takes care of. The pall is decorated heavily with flowers and instead of looking like a bourse, it is decorated with lots of flowers like a palanquin. Someone obviously among the Brahmins is dead and the other Brahmins draw lots to find out which untouchable will be chosen to offer his shoulder to the bourse. `When Lakku’s name comes up in the shuffling of the paper chips, he is thrilled that at least for one day, he will enjoy the ‘blessing’ of becoming a “Brahmin.” But forced to run through the village on an empty stomach and with a weak body, Lakku collapses and dies before the bourse can reach the crematorium. Now, the question is – who will carry his body and carry it to the cremation ground? The entire performance, with 23 theatre actors, originally scripted, designed and directed by Usha Ganguly, is now performed by a new young cast under the guidance, training and supervision of Amal Saha, Deepesh Rajak, and Anirudh Sarkar. It has been conceived and designed like a musical opera with every Brahmin member of the cast, including the young women, dressed traditionally in pristine white with lots of marigold garlands and a sandalwood tikka adorning their foreheads. Though there are dialogues in the performance, these are either among the leading and decisive members among the Brahmins or scoldings and threats from the Brahmins to the four members from the untouchable tribe, each one representing a different low caste. These four men, alongwith Lakku and his mentally retarded son, keep waiting eagerly in one corner of the proscenium for the results of the lots to be drawn. They hug each other for joy when their names are announced and Lakku specially is thrilled with the responsibility of being pallbearer and becoming a Brahmin for just one night. Whose corpse is being carried in the bourse is not important. What is important is who are the pall bearers? At least, the Brahmins are not. What one carries home after watching a performance-play like Mayyat is the marvellous synchronization of the entire female cast wandering right around the proscenium space singing songs in complete harmony with not a note of error and the Brahmin men discussing, arguing and quarrelling over not how the corpse will be cremated but which low-caste man will become the pallbearer for one night. The bottom-line is caste is a continuous, historical evil. But should it remain so? (The writer is a noted film scholar. Views personal.)

On the Brink in Tehran

Economic despair at home and American bluster abroad have revived old fears of regime change in Iran.

Iran has seen protests before that have changed the course of its history. It has seen foreign pressure, sanctions and threats in abundance. But what makes the present moment unsettling is the coincidence of both. Ever since demonstrations spread across the country last month, sparked by a collapsing currency and surging prices, they have quickly become entangled with a far more combustible question whether Iran could once again find itself in Washington’s crosshairs.


Over the past year the Iranian rial has lost more than a third of its value against the dollar. Inflation is running above 40 percent. For ordinary Iranians, food, rent and fuel now cost far more than wages can bear. Shopkeepers were the first to revolt, shuttering their businesses in protest against mounting losses. University students followed. Soon, the streets filled with people from across social classes, in at least 23 of Iran’s 31 provinces. By official counts, at least 16 people have been killed and hundreds detained; unofficial estimates suggest more. Security forces have fanned out across major cities. Clashes have become routine.


Contradictory Responses

The leadership’s response has been characteristically contradictory. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader, acknowledged the protesters’ economic grievances. Yet he coupled sympathy with menace, insisting that “rioters must be put in their place,” which has been widely read as a licence for a harsher crackdown. The government, meanwhile, has reached for fiscal palliatives. From January 10, it plans to offer a monthly allowance, roughly $7 per person, credited for the purchase of basic goods. Whether this film calms the streets is doubtful.


The unrest has unsettled not only Tehran but also capitals farther afield. India, which has nearly 3,000 medical students in Iran, has issued a travel advisory and is quietly dusting off contingency plans. Iranian diaspora communities, from Europe to North America, have staged solidarity protests, amplifying international scrutiny. Yet it is Washington’s reaction that has most alarmed Iran’s rulers.


President Donald Trump has issued fresh warnings amid his bellicose theatrics. “If they start killing people like they have in the past,” he said recently, “I think they’re going to get hit very hard by the United States.” What, precisely, would be “hit” remains unspecified. But ambiguity, in this case, is the point. Iranian officials accuse America and Israel of stoking unrest. Unverified reports have even circulated that Khamenei has contemplated decamping to Moscow should matters spiral further.


Trump’s threats against Iran come in the shadow of his recent strike in Venezuela, which has sent ripples of anxiety across capitals from Latin America to the Middle East. Since that operation he has issued warnings - some explicit, others oblique - towards a grab-bag of countries including Colombia, Cuba, Mexico and even Greenland, a self-governing territory of Denmark. On January 4, he declared that America was “in the business of having countries around us that are viable and successful and where the oil is allowed to freely come out.” Few missed the implication.


What is striking is not only the breadth of Trump’s targets but also the muted response from much of the world. Russia and China have confined themselves to platitudes about sovereignty. Europe has wrung its hands.


Growing Unease

Even within America, unease is growing. Some of Trump’s allies have begun to question the wisdom of another flirtation with overseas intervention. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican from Georgia, warned that military adventurism was precisely what many of the MAGA faithful believed they had voted to end. With inflation stubborn, public services strained and taxpayers weary of foreign entanglements, she argued, America has little appetite for funding another distant conflict. Thomas Massie, a congressman from Kentucky, was blunter: Venezuela, he said, was “not about drugs; it’s about oil and regime change.”


Those criticisms underscore a central paradox of the present moment. Trump’s rhetoric suggests a willingness to use force to bend recalcitrant states to America’s will. Yet the domestic and strategic constraints on such action remain formidable, and nowhere more so than in Iran. A full-scale invasion would be a last resort, and for good reason. Iran is vast, populous and far more militarily capable than America’s past adversaries in Iraq or Afghanistan. Any ground war would be costly and could easily metastasise into a regional conflagration, drawing in Iran’s network of allies and proxies across the Middle East. After two decades of grinding wars, American public opinion shows scant enthusiasm for another.


That reality has shaped Washington’s Iran policy for years. Sanctions, diplomacy, cyber operations and limited military actions have been the preferred tools. Confrontations have been indirect, as in naval incidents in the Gulf, shadow wars in cyberspace, tit-for-tat strikes through proxies. Nuclear negotiations, however fraught, have offered an off-ramp. This pattern is more likely to persist than a dramatic march on Tehran.


Still, the combination of internal unrest and external pressure is combustible. Iran’s leaders insist they remain firmly in control, festooning Tehran with banners warning foreign powers against intervention. Yet history suggests that regimes under economic strain are more brittle than they appear. At the same time, history also counsels caution to would-be interveners. The kidnapping-style removal of a sovereign leader as in Venezuela’s case sets a very ugly precedent indeed.


For India, the moment calls for watchfulness. New Delhi has long prided itself on a foreign policy grounded in strategic autonomy and a certain moral fastidiousness. As the new year begins, the world finds itself watching Iran with a familiar mix of anxiety and fatalism. The convergence of economic despair and Trump's geopolitical swagger has made Tehran, once again, a fault-line in a jittery world. 


Comments


bottom of page