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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gen Z revolt leaves Modi govt scrambling

Mumbai: The recent CJP agitation at Jantar Mantar, amplified by a ferocious wave of social media backlash, has achieved what years of fragmented opposition politics could not: it has visibly shaken the highest echelons of the Narendra Modi government. For the first time in over a decade, the seemingly impenetrable fortress managed by Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah appears vulnerable. Driven by a Gen Z demographic that refuses to play by traditional political rules, the...

Gen Z revolt leaves Modi govt scrambling

Mumbai: The recent CJP agitation at Jantar Mantar, amplified by a ferocious wave of social media backlash, has achieved what years of fragmented opposition politics could not: it has visibly shaken the highest echelons of the Narendra Modi government. For the first time in over a decade, the seemingly impenetrable fortress managed by Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah appears vulnerable. Driven by a Gen Z demographic that refuses to play by traditional political rules, the movement has made the ruling dispensation’s meticulously crafted narrative look starkly outdated. The scale and intensity of the public unrest have triggered alarm bells, prompting the government to take unprecedented corrective measures. In a remarkable departure from its usual top-down approach, the Union government has officially deputed Officers on Special Duty (OSDs) to execute a massive ground-level feedback-gathering exercise. Insiders reveal that this crisis management strategy operates on multiple tiers. The government is actively seeking counsel from technology experts and content analysts to decipher exactly what went wrong and to understand the strategic advantages of the digital content generated by CJP supporters. These grassroots digital campaigns brought about a drastic, organic shift in public expression that caught the administration entirely off guard. Furthermore, officials are engaging in candid dialogues with independent, well-meaning individuals tasked with holding a mirror to the administration's failures. Professionals entrusted with coordinating these meetings admit the outcome remains uncertain, but the sheer scale of outreach marks a watershed moment for a government usually insulated from external critique. The political vacuum created by this unrest has been masterfully exploited by the opposition. Capitalizing on the opening created by the CJP protests and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, Rahul Gandhi has seized the political advantage. By deploying an emotional narrative—particularly regarding the use of pellet guns—Gandhi has effectively targeted Amit Shah, leaving the Prime Minister cornered. The optics in Parliament have been equally jarring for the ruling party. For the first time in twelve years, fumbling, elderly figures within the BJP found themselves outmatched by the scathing, articulate assaults from Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi. Armed with quick wit, finesse, and an undeniable superiority in content, the Congress leadership is dictating the terms of the debate, forcing the BJP onto the defensive. This sudden vulnerability has blown the lid off simmering discontent within the ruling party. Insiders are now openly arguing that the hyper-centralization of power by Modi and Shah is fundamentally flawed. The strategy of installing dependent "yes-men"—leaders who shine merely in borrowed light—in key state positions is backfiring spectacularly. While this iron-fisted strategy yields dividends during favourable times, the current crisis proves that an artificially sustained leadership cannot withstand a genuine storm. Many within the party lament the sidelining of softer, grassroots-connected leaders like Shivraj Singh Chouhan. A leader of Chouhan's calibre, possessing natural empathy and a deep understanding of the masses, could have offered a sympathetic and appealing rebuttal, contrasting sharply with the shallow, dry rhetoric currently being peddled by the party's younger, yet out-of-touch, defenders. The immediate consensus is that the party desperately needs to replace its aging heavyweights with articulate voices who can genuinely connect with an evolving electorate. Perhaps the most shocking revelation from the fallout is the catastrophic failure of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) legendary feedback and feed-forward mechanism. For decades, the RSS has served as the eyes and ears of BJP governments, but this time, the machinery completely failed to gauge the scale of the impending unrest. According to senior insiders, the root cause lies in a deep-seated rot within the RSS itself. As the organization celebrates its centenary year, it is grappling with an internal crisis. Unlike previous BJP regimes where the political arm bore the exclusive brunt of corruption allegations, the malaise has now reportedly crept into the highest echelons of the RSS leadership. This unprecedented internal decay has severed the organization's vital connection to the ground, leaving the BJP flying blind during a crucial socio-political upheaval.Despite the prevailing anxiety within the corridors of power, the newly initiated feedback-gathering exercise is being hailed as a much-needed course correction by veteran leaders within both the party and the RSS. Long-sidelined stalwarts view this desperate measure as a vindication of their long-held grievances against the centralized high command. While the designated OSDs and professionals remain cautiously optimistic about the immediate impact of their data-gathering, these old-guard insiders sense a rare opportunity. They believe that confronting the unvarnished truth from the ground might finally force a complete and necessary overhaul of the Parivar organizations, dismantling the fragile, sycophantic structures currently in place and returning the party to its grassroots origins.

Rejected Abroad, Consumed at Home

Pesticides used within approved limits are generally safe; the real risk comes from excessive, frequent, or prolonged exposure.

Two years ago, Hong Kong, Singapore, and five other countries rejected consignments of certain Indian spice brands. More recently, Japan rejected Indian mangoes, and last week China turned back a shipment of Indian chillies. The reasons were either pesticide residues exceeding permissible limits or deficiencies in pest-control treatment procedures.


These incidents raise an important question. If export-grade products, subjected to the highest levels of scrutiny and testing, fail to meet international standards, what is the condition of food reaching ordinary Indian consumers? Beyond affecting India's reputation in global markets, these developments cast serious doubts on the country's pesticide regulatory system and whether food available domestically is safe.


Indian farmers continue to use several pesticides banned in many developed countries because of their harmful effects. These include chlorpyrifos, profenofos, paraquat, and monocrotophos. Many agricultural universities and extension services still recommend these chemicals without adequately considering their international regulatory status. Moreover, nearly 40 per cent of pesticides in circulation are estimated to be counterfeit or unregistered, leaving their exact composition and potential toxicity unknown.


Food safety in India is overseen by the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI), while pesticide registration falls under the Central Insecticides Board and state agencies. However, coordination among these institutions remains inadequate. Enforcement is further weakened by the outdated Insecticides Act, 1968, under which authorities have only 60 days to file a court case after a sample fails quality testing. If the deadline is missed, the case automatically closes, significantly weakening regulatory action.


India's pesticide industry is highly organised and influential. Industry pressure has reportedly weakened national monitoring initiatives such as the All India Network Project on Pesticide Residues (AINPPR). The extent of this influence is reflected in the government's 2020 proposal to ban 27 hazardous pesticides—a move that was later shelved.


The risk posed by pesticide residues depends on what we eat, how much we eat, and how often. Leafy vegetables such as spinach, fenugreek, and coriander are among the highest-risk foods because they are often heavily sprayed before harvest and have no protective peel. Okra, brinjal (eggplant), and tomatoes also fall into this category.


Among fruits, grapes, strawberries, and plums, which are commonly eaten without peeling, may pose a greater risk than fruits whose skins are discarded. Spices have consistently recorded some of the highest pesticide residue levels, leading to export rejections by Singapore, Hong Kong, and China. Yet domestic consumers have no practical way of knowing the contamination levels in the spices they purchase.


To safeguard public health, the government must prioritise three critical policy measures.


First, all major food categories should undergo large-scale testing through independent laboratories, and the results should be released promptly and made publicly available. Unless consumers know the level of pesticide residues present in the food they eat, meaningful reform will remain impossible.


Second, highly hazardous chemicals such as monocrotophos, paraquat, and chlorpyrifos should be phased out and eventually banned. Farmers should receive financial incentives, technical support, and access to safer alternatives. At the same time, counterfeit pesticides must be removed from the market.


Third, responsibility for food safety and pesticide monitoring remains fragmented across multiple agencies. India needs a strong, unified institution capable of overseeing the entire chain—from pesticide registration and distribution to the safety of food sold in the marketplace. The proposed Pesticides Management Bill, 2025, could provide an important opportunity to strengthen this framework.


It is important to note that pesticides are generally regarded as safe when used within limits established by food safety authorities. The real concern arises from excessive, frequent, or long-term exposure, particularly when combined with diets high in processed foods.


Such exposure can contribute to a range of health problems. Since everything we eat first passes through the digestive system, certain chemicals and highly processed foods can disrupt beneficial gut bacteria, leading to bloating, acidity, indigestion, constipation, or diarrhoea.


The unnecessary use of antibiotics in poultry and livestock farming is another serious public health concern. It contributes to the growing problem of antimicrobial resistance, making future infections more difficult to treat.


The liver also processes everything we consume as part of its normal physiological function. However, prolonged exposure to harmful chemicals may increase the risk of fatty liver disease and other metabolic disorders.


Ultimately, food safety is not merely an issue of agricultural productivity or export competitiveness—it is a fundamental public health imperative. Protecting consumers from excessive pesticide exposure requires stronger regulation, transparent monitoring, scientific accountability, and a coordinated institutional framework that places public health above commercial interests.


(The writer is a columnist and assistant professor, Department of Mechanical Engineering, Kanpur Institute of Technology, Kanpur. Views personal.)

 


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