The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

min read

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Sanskrit Village in Muslim dominated district of Assam

Abhijit Mulye

Dec 29, 2025

3 min read

Mumbai: Samskrit Bharati, an organisation affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has planned to develop the country’s third Sanskit Village in Muslim dominated Karimganj district of Assam. The organisation has already developed two Sanskit Villages in Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh.

“Samskrit Village is a place where every villager irrespective of their caste, creed, religion, social and financial status or educational background converses in Sanskrit,” said Shrish Deopujari, the All India Communication Chief of Samskrit Bharati in an exclusive interview to ‘The Perfect Voice’.

“There are several misconceptions that are hurdles in popularisation of Sanskrit,” Deopujari said. “We are trying to do away with such misconceptions,” he said.

Deopujari said that Samskrit Bharati has developed two Sanskrit Villages in Mutturu in Shivmoga district of Karnataka and Jhiri in Rajgarh district of Madhya Pradesh. “A third is being developed in Karimganj district of Assam where majority population is Muslim,” he said.

In Jhiri majority population comprise of SC and OBC communities. “I know a Muslim family in Vijapur that runs one of the biggest cloth stores of the city. Their shop has over a 100 employees. The owners came in contact with Samskrit Bharati and decided to run the shop in Sanskrit language. Over 60 per cent of their employees are Muslims. People now wonder when they see hijab-clad young girls in the shop converse in fluent Sanskrit. This has even given the shop a distinct identity and a great popularity also,” Deopujari said.

New Initiatives

He denied that all efforts of Sanskri popularisation are centred around academic activities. “It appears so since majority of our activities involve learning and teaching. But there are many things that are being done,” he said.

In Gujarat there are several places where traditional Garba is centred around Sanskrit songs. In Assam a group has composed Sanskrit songs that are suitable for Bihu dance. Similar efforts are also undertaken with respect to Rajasthani folk music and tribal music at several places. During recent visit of PM Narendra Modi to Russia a pop singer presented rendition of Atharvasheersh before him.

A beetal group in London had translated all his songs to Sanskrit and their Sanskrit programs too are very popular. A famous pop singer Gabriella Burnella too presents songs in Sanskrit. She had learnt Sanskrit since she was four and later persuaded a doctorate in Sanskrit from the Oxford University. The point is all ways and means are being tried to popularise Sanskrit. In fact our moto is to ensure and encourage practical use of Sanskrit in whichever way possible and free the language from the perception that it is only meant for scholarly pursuits.

Sanskrit Revival

Founded in 1981, Samskrit Bharati is a movement for the continuing protection, development and propagation of the Sanskrit language as well as the literature, tradition and the knowledge systems embedded in it. “Samskrit Bharati’s mission is reviving the language, rejuvenating the culture and rebuilding a nation that is Bharat!” Deopujari said.

He said that the way to achieve this is to teach everybody speak Sanskrit. While making efforts to teach everybody, regardless of caste, creed, educational background, gender, financial position, etc. speak Sanskrit, the other set of efforts is aimed at making Sanskrit a link language for all Indians.

“Sanskrit is not only accepted but also respected throughout the country. If Sanskrit is introduced in homes, it will impart sanskars to the entire family which is a primary need of the present day. This is all about transforming Sanskrit into a Jana Bhasha or people’s language,” he said.

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Sanskrit Village in Muslim dominated district of Assam

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