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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 3:50:26 am

Gas on paper, shutdown on ground

Despite higher quotas, supply fails to reach ground Kolhapur: Despite official assurances and a 20 per cent increase in gas allocation for hotels and food processing units, operators in Kolhapur say supplies remain elusive. With distributors citing administrative curbs even as stocks are available, the crisis has pushed nearly 4,000 establishments to the brink — threatening 80,000 livelihoods and casting a shadow over the city’s tourism-dependent economy. The situation stands in contrast to...

Gas on paper, shutdown on ground

Despite higher quotas, supply fails to reach ground Kolhapur: Despite official assurances and a 20 per cent increase in gas allocation for hotels and food processing units, operators in Kolhapur say supplies remain elusive. With distributors citing administrative curbs even as stocks are available, the crisis has pushed nearly 4,000 establishments to the brink — threatening 80,000 livelihoods and casting a shadow over the city’s tourism-dependent economy. The situation stands in contrast to directions issued by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has emphasised that essential establishments should not face disruption in fuel and gas supplies. While policy decisions at the Centre and the state appear aligned to protect commercial users, implementation gaps at the district level have left hotel operators struggling to access basic fuel. Industry representatives allege that although gas distribution companies have confirmed adequate stock, supply is being withheld due to administrative restrictions. The lack of clarity and coordination has deepened uncertainty, with many operators warning that prolonged disruption could force them to suspend operations. Local Economy Kolhapur’s hospitality sector — comprising small eateries, mid-sized establishments and larger hotels — forms a critical pillar of the local economy. Beyond direct employment to nearly 80,000 workers, it sustains a wide network of suppliers, transporters and ancillary businesses. Any prolonged disruption in essential services such as gas, electricity and water, stakeholders point out, risks triggering a cascading economic impact. The origins of the current strain lie in global supply disruptions following tensions in the Gulf region, which prompted authorities to prioritise domestic LPG consumption. While commercial allocations were initially curtailed, subsequent policy revisions sought to restore balance by enhancing quotas for sectors such as hospitality and food processing. However, in Kolhapur, operators say these decisions have not translated into actual relief. No Response Compounding the crisis is the reported lack of administrative response. Industry members claim that attempts to reach district authorities have gone unanswered, leaving them without guidance or timelines for restoration of supply. “Gas is available, but supply is being denied citing administrative reasons. If this continues, we will be left with no option but to shut down operations,” said Sachin Shanbhag, a senior office-bearer of the Kolhapur Hotel Owners’ Association. Hotel operators also underline their longstanding role in public service, particularly during emergencies. From floods in Kolhapur to disasters beyond the state, the fraternity has repeatedly mobilised resources to provide food and relief — often at short notice and personal cost. During the Bhuj earthquake, Kolhapur-based operators were among the first to set up community kitchens for affected families. The current impasse, therefore, raises a broader question of administrative accountability. If the state can rely on the sector during crises, stakeholders argue, it must also ensure that the industry’s own operational needs are not neglected. Unless the supply chain is normalised quickly and gas is made available in line with declared quotas, the fallout could be severe. Apart from the immediate risk to thousands of livelihoods, Kolhapur’s tourism sector — still in a phase of recovery — could face a significant setback, undermining economic momentum in the region. Despite announcements by the Centre and the state to increase gas quotas for hotels and food processing units, local distributors are refusing supply, claiming the decision is limited to the national level. While they acknowledge that stock is available, supply continues to be denied citing prevailing conditions. Sachin Shanbhag, President, Kolhapur Hotel Owners’ Association

Selective Outrage

India’s left-liberal media has long prided itself on being the torchbearer of secularism, dissent and moral rectitude. In the aftermath of ‘Operation Sindoor,’ the precision military strike launched by the Modi government against Pakistan-based terror camps, it has revealed its not a principled commitment to peace or truth, but a disturbing penchant for ideological prejudice, performative sanctimony and selective outrage.


The operation itself was a textbook display of calibrated force and geopolitical prudence. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, often caricatured as ‘authoritarian’ by the ‘liberal’ English-language commentariat, chose patience over provocation. He consulted opposition leaders, held detailed discussions with defence chiefs and took key international stakeholders, notably the United States and Russia, into confidence before authorising limited military action. The symbolism of ‘Operation Sindoor’ was also carefully crafted: a pointed reminder that the attack’s real victims were Hindu women widowed by Pakistan-sponsored militants in Kashmir. The government’s briefings were also strategic and symbolic as two ranking female officers, one of them Muslim, were made the public face of the mission, underlining a new Indian confidence that blends military muscle with democratic pluralism.


But this was unacceptable for India’s entrenched ‘left-liberal’ press, steeped in academic jargon, Western validation and a knee-jerk hostility to anything remotely ‘Hindutva.’ That a Muslim officer briefed the nation on ‘Operation Sindoor’ was branded ‘tokenism’ by such commentators. Others crudely alleged that the April 22 Pahalgam massacre was the logical culmination of reported atrocities against Muslims since Modi came to power in 2014.


The semantic nitpicking over ‘Operation Sindoor’ was maddening. An editor of a prominent magazine dubbed the operation’s name as ‘patriarchal’ and coded in Hindutva tropes. In a bizarre case of moral inversion, sindoor was likened to symbols of ‘honour killings’ and gender oppression, ignoring both its cultural resonance and the cruel reality that these women had lost their husbands in cold blood. For years, India’s ‘secular’ commentariat nurtured a preordained binary: the Congress may be flawed but was at least ‘secular’ while the BJP was an inveterate ‘fascist.’ Thus, the 2002 Gujarat riots are always focused upon but the Congress-backed pogrom of the Sikhs in 1984 is either downplayed or rationalised. Terrorism in Kashmir is tragic, but state retaliation is ‘jingoism.’ A strong Muslim voice in government is ‘tokenism’ but its absence is ‘exclusion.’ Even journalistic rigour is selectively applied. When Pakistan claimed to have downed Indian jets, some Indian outlets rushed to amplify the story before verification, inadvertently echoing enemy propaganda.


Dissent is vital in any democracy. But when its becomes indistinguishable from disdain, when editorial choices are dictated by ideological conformity, then the press becomes a caricature of itself. Ironically, many of these journalists enjoy robust free speech and loudly lament India’s supposed slide into ‘fascism’ from the safety of their X handles. Yet they turn a blind eye to Putin’s repression, Erdogan’s purges or Xi Jinping’s camps. In their eyes, Modi remains the greatest threat to democracy even as they broadcast their outrage freely, without fear of censorship or reprisal. ‘Operation Sindoor’ was a statement of cultural self-confidence. That confidence has rattled those who have spent their careers gatekeeping Indian discourse. Today, their monopoly is over. The people are watching and they no longer believe that the emperor has clothes.

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