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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Bank accounts, realty deals under SIT lens

Mumbai: The Special Investigation Team (SIT) probing self-styled godman Ashok Kharat has widened its investigation, turning the spotlight on his financial empire with a detailed scrutiny of bank accounts held by him, his family and close associates. Investigators have so far identified five bank accounts linked to Kharat across major lenders: State Bank of India, Union Bank of India, ICICI Bank, Saraswat Bank and Vishwas Cooperative Bank. These accounts hold deposits totalling Rs 40.87 crore...

Bank accounts, realty deals under SIT lens

Mumbai: The Special Investigation Team (SIT) probing self-styled godman Ashok Kharat has widened its investigation, turning the spotlight on his financial empire with a detailed scrutiny of bank accounts held by him, his family and close associates. Investigators have so far identified five bank accounts linked to Kharat across major lenders: State Bank of India, Union Bank of India, ICICI Bank, Saraswat Bank and Vishwas Cooperative Bank. These accounts hold deposits totalling Rs 40.87 crore and are now under the scanner to trace sources, transaction trails and possible beneficiaries. Sleuths suspect that the accounts may reveal financial links to a web of property deals, investments and other transactions — both legitimate and dubious — and the SIT is now examining possible offences such as tax evasion and money laundering. Earlier this week, the SIT informed a Nashik court that raids carried out at Kharat’s office, farmhouse and other premises led to the seizure of Rs 6.53 lakh in cash, two laptops, multiple mobile phones, a DVR system, hidden cameras, and gold ornaments — 20 tolas from his wife and 12 tolas in his name. Simultaneously, Kharat’s chartered accountants, Prashant Palde and Kiran Kataria, told investigators that the accused had travelled extensively abroad in recent years, visiting countries including the United States, France, Australia, UAE, Peru, Malaysia, Indonesia and more. The SIT has also approached the Inspector General of Stamps, Pune, to help detect additional properties linked to Kharat and his network. Realty Investments So far, the investigators have uncovered a sprawling portfolio of realty investments comprising agriculture, commercial, bungalows, flats, etc., spread in Nashik, Pune, Ahilyanagar and even Raigad, standing in the names of Kharat or his family or certain business associates. They include: 33 acres of land and a farmhouse (Mirgaon); 10 acres of land (Pathardi village); 6 acres (Sinnar); 4.5 acres in own name and 5.5 acres (Shirdi and Kakadi); an 800-sq.ft flat and a bungalow in Karmayogi Nagar (Nashik); plots totalling 12 gunthas (around 12,000 feet in Ojhar); 6 gunthas (Adgaon, Nashik); 11 gunthas in daughter Shrusti’s name and a plot (Sangamner and Pune); a 180 sq.ft office at Canada Corner (Nashik); a marriage hall in partnership with others (Shirdi); 6 acres as a joint partner with five others (Sinnar). Public Prosecutor Ajay Missar told the court that the SIT is probing whether more undisclosed assets exist, while also examining if questionable transactions led to losses to the public exchequer. Authorities are coordinating with the Income Tax Department as part of the financial probe. One transaction under the radar involves a two-hectare agricultural plot in Mirgaon, donated to Kharat’s Shri Shivnika Sansthan Trust by a Mumbai-based devotee. The land was reportedly purchased in May 2019 for Rs 24 lakh and transferred to the trust almost immediately through a gift deed. However, the same gift deed document pegged the land’s market value at Rs 32 lakh — a shocking jump of Rs 8 lakh within hours — raising red flags over possible irregularities or manipulation in valuation, with likely connivance of officials. The Shri Ishaneshwar Temple on the land was constructed in 2009–2010, allegedly using public contributions, as claimed by several political leaders.   Fear of ‘Elimination’ Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve has raised concerns, alleging that those exposed in the recovered videos could attempt to eliminate the godman — currently in police custody. Danve claimed that as more explicit material surfaces, individuals implicated in the videos may ‘join hands to silence him through an extra-judicial killing to prevent further revelations.’

Selective Outrage

India’s left-liberal media has long prided itself on being the torchbearer of secularism, dissent and moral rectitude. In the aftermath of ‘Operation Sindoor,’ the precision military strike launched by the Modi government against Pakistan-based terror camps, it has revealed its not a principled commitment to peace or truth, but a disturbing penchant for ideological prejudice, performative sanctimony and selective outrage.


The operation itself was a textbook display of calibrated force and geopolitical prudence. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, often caricatured as ‘authoritarian’ by the ‘liberal’ English-language commentariat, chose patience over provocation. He consulted opposition leaders, held detailed discussions with defence chiefs and took key international stakeholders, notably the United States and Russia, into confidence before authorising limited military action. The symbolism of ‘Operation Sindoor’ was also carefully crafted: a pointed reminder that the attack’s real victims were Hindu women widowed by Pakistan-sponsored militants in Kashmir. The government’s briefings were also strategic and symbolic as two ranking female officers, one of them Muslim, were made the public face of the mission, underlining a new Indian confidence that blends military muscle with democratic pluralism.


But this was unacceptable for India’s entrenched ‘left-liberal’ press, steeped in academic jargon, Western validation and a knee-jerk hostility to anything remotely ‘Hindutva.’ That a Muslim officer briefed the nation on ‘Operation Sindoor’ was branded ‘tokenism’ by such commentators. Others crudely alleged that the April 22 Pahalgam massacre was the logical culmination of reported atrocities against Muslims since Modi came to power in 2014.


The semantic nitpicking over ‘Operation Sindoor’ was maddening. An editor of a prominent magazine dubbed the operation’s name as ‘patriarchal’ and coded in Hindutva tropes. In a bizarre case of moral inversion, sindoor was likened to symbols of ‘honour killings’ and gender oppression, ignoring both its cultural resonance and the cruel reality that these women had lost their husbands in cold blood. For years, India’s ‘secular’ commentariat nurtured a preordained binary: the Congress may be flawed but was at least ‘secular’ while the BJP was an inveterate ‘fascist.’ Thus, the 2002 Gujarat riots are always focused upon but the Congress-backed pogrom of the Sikhs in 1984 is either downplayed or rationalised. Terrorism in Kashmir is tragic, but state retaliation is ‘jingoism.’ A strong Muslim voice in government is ‘tokenism’ but its absence is ‘exclusion.’ Even journalistic rigour is selectively applied. When Pakistan claimed to have downed Indian jets, some Indian outlets rushed to amplify the story before verification, inadvertently echoing enemy propaganda.


Dissent is vital in any democracy. But when its becomes indistinguishable from disdain, when editorial choices are dictated by ideological conformity, then the press becomes a caricature of itself. Ironically, many of these journalists enjoy robust free speech and loudly lament India’s supposed slide into ‘fascism’ from the safety of their X handles. Yet they turn a blind eye to Putin’s repression, Erdogan’s purges or Xi Jinping’s camps. In their eyes, Modi remains the greatest threat to democracy even as they broadcast their outrage freely, without fear of censorship or reprisal. ‘Operation Sindoor’ was a statement of cultural self-confidence. That confidence has rattled those who have spent their careers gatekeeping Indian discourse. Today, their monopoly is over. The people are watching and they no longer believe that the emperor has clothes.

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