top of page

By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Theatre of Succession: Inside the RJD’s Most Turbulent Season Yet

The great Yadav household melodrama, replete with scandal and sibling rivalry, is prompting questions as to whether the discord is a genuine rupture or a political smokescreen Patna: India’s politics has long been sustained by families that look more like hereditary courts than democratic organisations. Across the Republic, parties have been shaped by clans that dispense power, manage patronage networks and fight internecine battles with all the fervour of medieval royalty. The quarrels...

Theatre of Succession: Inside the RJD’s Most Turbulent Season Yet

The great Yadav household melodrama, replete with scandal and sibling rivalry, is prompting questions as to whether the discord is a genuine rupture or a political smokescreen Patna: India’s politics has long been sustained by families that look more like hereditary courts than democratic organisations. Across the Republic, parties have been shaped by clans that dispense power, manage patronage networks and fight internecine battles with all the fervour of medieval royalty. The quarrels within such houses often prompted by ambition, insecurity or electoral misfortune have famously spilled into public view in the past. But just as often, they are choreographed for effect as well. In either case, the spectacle tends to distract from the deeper rot which is the inability of political institutions to outgrow familial control. Bihar, long accustomed to political drama, now finds itself riveted by a fresh episode from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). The party, once hailed for advancing social justice, increasingly resembles a dynasty struggling to preserve its influence against a well-organised opposition and its own internal frictions. The latest unrest has erupted within the household of its founder, Lalu Prasad Yadav, a man whose political cunning is matched only by his flair for theatre. The resulting rumble has prompted one persistent question: is the Yadav family truly breaking apart, or is the disorder merely an artfully crafted political smokescreen? Mirage of Discord Political watchers have long repeated a maxim: what is visible is rarely the truth, and what is truthful is seldom visible. These words sit neatly atop the present disarray within the RJD. What began as a controlled consolidation of leadership around Tejashwi Yadav, Lalu’s anointed heir, now seems to have spiralled. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Janata Dal (United) and other allies within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) have wasted no time in exploiting the faultlines, eager to depict the RJD as a family business collapsing under its own contradictions. This time, the spark was electoral humiliation. The RJD contested the Bihar Assembly polls entirely under Tejashwi’s command. The campaign was energetic, but voters rendered a damning verdict. The party managed only 25 seats; the entire opposition Grand Alliance could garner a meagre 35 seats. Tejashwi’s messaging on unemployment and inflation fell flat, while the NDA milked old corruption scandals and fresh investigations to keep him on the defensive. As the dust settled, Tejashwi’s competence, credibility and claim to leadership were all questioned privately within the RJD, and loudly outside it. Unable to fix blame on any identifiable strategist, the family responded with a counter- narrative of internal division, which was floated conveniently after the electoral rout. The discord, or the appearance of it, seemed designed to prevent Tejashwi from becoming the sole repository of blame. Yet, the gambit may have backfired. What began as a diversion now threatens to consume the party’s already depleted cohesion. Ominous Signs The first signs of rupture emerged when Lalu’s second daughter, Rohini Acharya, lambasted two of Tejashwi’s chief advisers - Sanjay Yadav and Rameez - for ruining the party’s electoral prospects. Her abrupt departure from Patna triggered a media storm. Rohini, a Singapore-based doctor, is not usually immersed in day-to-day politics; she visits only during significant festivals or election campaigns. Her exit, therefore, was interpreted less as familial irritation and more as political symbolism. Her siblings soon followed. Chanda returned to her home, where she lives with her husband, a pilot with Indian Airlines. Ragini went back to her business and political engagements. Rajlaxmi, married into the Samajwadi Party’s influential Mulayam Singh Yadav clan, resumed her life in Uttar Pradesh. Their dispersal, largely routine given their professional commitments, was amplified by the press into evidence of implosion. Yet until the election results, the family had projected perfect harmony. Even Tej Pratap Yadav, the mercurial elder son who contested separately, had maintained an unusual restraint. It was only after the loss that tempers rose and recriminations became public. The RJD now faces a peculiar predicament. Its shrunken tally deprived it of automatic recognition as the official opposition in the Assembly; it must rely on its adversaries -  the BJP and the JD(U) - to grant that status. Tejashwi, weakened within the party, cannot afford another blow to his legitimacy. In such circumstances, the family rift narrative served an expedient purpose: to disperse responsibility, ignite sympathy, and provide breathing space for the heir-apparent. But the danger of strategic melodrama is that it can easily mutate into unmanageable conflict. The Yadavs are hardly unique in this. Indian politics is littered with dynasties that have aired their domestic quarrels in public, partly to demonstrate ideological passion and partly to reinforce the indispensability of the family itself. Fissures, when used cleverly, can project vigour; fragmentation, when controlled, can signal renewal. But when the act begins to look too polished, even loyalists grow weary. Parallel Sagas The saga draws parallels with Maharashtra, where the Shiv Sena has endured multiple ruptures over lineage and philosophy. The split between Bal Thackeray’s son Uddhav and his nephew Raj produced the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), sending the Thackeray legacy down two divergent political tracks. In 2022, another schism emerged between Uddhav and Eknath Shinde over the party’s alliance choices and its alleged drift from the ‘original’ Hindutva. Shinde’s rebellion, later validated by the Supreme Court, drained Uddhav’s ranks and reshaped the state’s political map. In Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party endured its own fraternal duel. The confrontation between son Akhilesh and uncle Shivpal was as much about control of the party machinery as about ideological direction. In the end, generational ascendancy triumphed, but not without leaving deep scars. The RJD’s predicament echoes these stories. But its conflict is stripped of any ideological pretence. It is, at its core, a contest for legitimacy and dynastic permanence. Tej Pratap Factor Complicating matters further is Tej Pratap Yadav, whose personal life has frequently spilled into the public domain. His marital disputes, televised with relish by news channels, have long embarrassed the RJD. His declaration of a second marriage even before his divorce was finalised injected fresh controversy. His estranged wife, Aishwarya Rai, aired her grievances in the media, intensifying public scrutiny of the family. The RJD, wary of the reputational fallout, quietly distanced him. Tej Pratap floated his own outfit and contested independently. Some analysts argued that his candidature was, in fact, a calculated attempt to fragment anti-NDA votes. If so, the ploy misfired. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s welfare-heavy campaign outflanked caste arithmetic, leaving little room for vote-splitting manoeuvres. Meanwhile, Tejashwi tightened his grip over the party apparatus, marginalising his brother and consolidating authority. The very disorder that once threatened him now served to underscore his position as the sole viable leader of the RJD’s next generation. The spectacle within the Lalu-Rabri household has become national fodder. Allegations regarding the criminal antecedents of some strategists close to Tejashwi have equipped the BJP and JD(U) with new ammunition. Their leaders eagerly stoke the flames, framing the RJD as a party adrift in chaos and compromised judgement. Yet, the real deliberations within the Yadav home remain opaque. The public sees only curated fragments in form of leaked tweets, strategic absences and cryptic statements. This makes it open to multiple readings. Is the discord a genuine schism born of electoral defeat, long-simmering grievances and generational rivalry? Or is it an elaborate performance, designed to shield Tejashwi, absorb public anger and ensure the dynasty’s continuity? After all, in the theatre of Indian dynastic politics, the boundary between authenticity and artifice is rarely visible. For Bihar, and for India, the episode poses a larger question: can political leadership evolve beyond hereditary succession? The persistence of dynasties underscores a troubling deficit in party democratisation. Leadership changes are too often shaped not by organisational processes but by household dynamics. Whether the Yadav family feud is authentic or manufactured, its implications stretch beyond one household. It reflects a political system that still struggles to separate governance from genealogy.

Selective Outrage

India’s left-liberal media has long prided itself on being the torchbearer of secularism, dissent and moral rectitude. In the aftermath of ‘Operation Sindoor,’ the precision military strike launched by the Modi government against Pakistan-based terror camps, it has revealed its not a principled commitment to peace or truth, but a disturbing penchant for ideological prejudice, performative sanctimony and selective outrage.


The operation itself was a textbook display of calibrated force and geopolitical prudence. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, often caricatured as ‘authoritarian’ by the ‘liberal’ English-language commentariat, chose patience over provocation. He consulted opposition leaders, held detailed discussions with defence chiefs and took key international stakeholders, notably the United States and Russia, into confidence before authorising limited military action. The symbolism of ‘Operation Sindoor’ was also carefully crafted: a pointed reminder that the attack’s real victims were Hindu women widowed by Pakistan-sponsored militants in Kashmir. The government’s briefings were also strategic and symbolic as two ranking female officers, one of them Muslim, were made the public face of the mission, underlining a new Indian confidence that blends military muscle with democratic pluralism.


But this was unacceptable for India’s entrenched ‘left-liberal’ press, steeped in academic jargon, Western validation and a knee-jerk hostility to anything remotely ‘Hindutva.’ That a Muslim officer briefed the nation on ‘Operation Sindoor’ was branded ‘tokenism’ by such commentators. Others crudely alleged that the April 22 Pahalgam massacre was the logical culmination of reported atrocities against Muslims since Modi came to power in 2014.


The semantic nitpicking over ‘Operation Sindoor’ was maddening. An editor of a prominent magazine dubbed the operation’s name as ‘patriarchal’ and coded in Hindutva tropes. In a bizarre case of moral inversion, sindoor was likened to symbols of ‘honour killings’ and gender oppression, ignoring both its cultural resonance and the cruel reality that these women had lost their husbands in cold blood. For years, India’s ‘secular’ commentariat nurtured a preordained binary: the Congress may be flawed but was at least ‘secular’ while the BJP was an inveterate ‘fascist.’ Thus, the 2002 Gujarat riots are always focused upon but the Congress-backed pogrom of the Sikhs in 1984 is either downplayed or rationalised. Terrorism in Kashmir is tragic, but state retaliation is ‘jingoism.’ A strong Muslim voice in government is ‘tokenism’ but its absence is ‘exclusion.’ Even journalistic rigour is selectively applied. When Pakistan claimed to have downed Indian jets, some Indian outlets rushed to amplify the story before verification, inadvertently echoing enemy propaganda.


Dissent is vital in any democracy. But when its becomes indistinguishable from disdain, when editorial choices are dictated by ideological conformity, then the press becomes a caricature of itself. Ironically, many of these journalists enjoy robust free speech and loudly lament India’s supposed slide into ‘fascism’ from the safety of their X handles. Yet they turn a blind eye to Putin’s repression, Erdogan’s purges or Xi Jinping’s camps. In their eyes, Modi remains the greatest threat to democracy even as they broadcast their outrage freely, without fear of censorship or reprisal. ‘Operation Sindoor’ was a statement of cultural self-confidence. That confidence has rattled those who have spent their careers gatekeeping Indian discourse. Today, their monopoly is over. The people are watching and they no longer believe that the emperor has clothes.

Comments


bottom of page