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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

India now tops world in e3w, second in e2W sales

Mumbai : In a commendable feat, India has now tops the world in electric 3-wheeler sales accounting for 57 pc of all global sales, and ranks second in electric 2-wheeler sales with a 6 pc world share in 2024, a new report on Zero Emission Vehicles (ZEV) transition released as the COP-3) in Brazil.   The COP-30 Progress Update, has attributed these achievements to the strong policies of the Indian government, especially PM E-Drive and FAME, that helped slash the price gaps between electric and...

India now tops world in e3w, second in e2W sales

Mumbai : In a commendable feat, India has now tops the world in electric 3-wheeler sales accounting for 57 pc of all global sales, and ranks second in electric 2-wheeler sales with a 6 pc world share in 2024, a new report on Zero Emission Vehicles (ZEV) transition released as the COP-3) in Brazil.   The COP-30 Progress Update, has attributed these achievements to the strong policies of the Indian government, especially PM E-Drive and FAME, that helped slash the price gaps between electric and petrol vehicles, pushing large-scale adoption across last-mile transport and encouraging major private investments.   India’s strategy to combat pollution levels has been to target the vehicles most common on its roads – two and three wheelers, which account for nearly 80 pc of the total automobiles sales in the country.   This targeted approach has led to a cycle where more sales encourage more investment, which further accelerates the market, as per the report shared by International Council on Clean Transportation (ICCT) India.   The PM E-Drive Scheme further boosts adoption by supporting the sale of 2.5 million e2w’s and 320,000 e3w’s, backed by a USD-315 million outlay for vehicles and charging infrastructure.   It has pushed private and public sector to act, like a major delivery company committing to convert its entire fleet into EVs in five years, some state and local governments assuring to partially convert their fleets of official or public transport vehicles to electric.   Even globally, EV adoption is increasing despite policy shifts in some advanced economies. EVs notched18 pc of all global light-duty vehicles in 2024, up from 14 pc in 2023, and likely to go up further this year.   With France, Spain, and Croatia showering more consumer incentives, UK and Canada refining ZEV mandates, the public charging points world over have doubled from 2.50 million (2022) to over 5 million now.   Racing to keep up, India has recorded a 23 pc year-on-year rise in light-duty EV sales from 2023 to 2024 and reaching a 2.9 pc EV share in early 2025.   The COP-30 report has lauded India’s FAME and PM E-Drive programs - and the EU’s AFIR regulation - as major forces speeding up the global move toward zero-emission mobility.   ICCT’s India Managing Director Amit Bhatt emphasized that electrifying India’s dominant vehicle segments is already delivering results. He termed as timely and essential next step the Centre’s fresh push to electrify medium and heavy-duty trucks – which comprise only 3 pc of the total vehicle stock but cough out 44 pc  of transport emissions. Clean & green leaders: India’s e3w & e2W The Faster Adoption & Manufacturing of Hybrid & Electric Vehicles (FAME) and PM E-Drive programs helped lower the upfront costs of electric 2 wheelers and electric 3 wheelers, making them price-competitive with ICE equivalents.   The transition has been powered by a strong collaboration between government and the private sector, particularly in last-mile delivery, with companies adopting EVs to save costs and working with rental partners to build out the ecosystem.   The quick expansion of EV charging networks in the world is driven by encouraging policies - with Europe’s reliance on deployment targets and India’s use of targeted incentives demonstrating two effective and scalable models, as per the COP-30 coming a day before the global meet ends on Friday.

Stolen Childhood

The recent rape and murder of a three-year-old girl in Malegaon in Nashik district is a crime so horrific that it numbs the senses. A toddler stepped out to play near her home in Dongarlare village; within three hours she was lured away with a piece of chocolate, assaulted and killed, her small body dumped in the bushes near a mobile tower. While her family is obviously, the outrage has spread across Maharashtra as the state once more confronts its inability to shield its youngest and most vulnerable.


The sequence is tragically familiar. Around six in the evening, the child was noticed missing. Within an hour, her family alerted the police. Her playmates, the only witnesses, revealed that a 24-year-old construction worker from the same village had enticed her with chocolates. Acting on this information, the police swiftly tracked down the accused, who allegedly confessed during interrogation. Soon after, the girl’s body was recovered. The accused is now in custody, with investigations ongoing.


Swift action is welcome, but it does not mask the deeper institutional rot. Maharashtra, despite its claims of administrative excellence, remains unable to protect children from predatory violence. The state’s child-safety systems especially in rural districts are weak, fragmented and reactive. Most villages lack adequate lighting, community vigilance mechanisms or basic awareness programmes for parents and children. Families rely on social cohesion and informal neighbourhood supervision, a fragile safeguard that crumbles instantly when confronted with malice.


The Malegaon tragedy thus exposes a longstanding contradiction in India. While laws such as the POCSO Act are among the world’s strictest on paper, they falter in practice. Cases of child rape continue to rise; convictions remain abysmally low. Fast-track courts are anything but fast. Forensic delays, uneven policing standards and poor inter-agency coordination routinely weaken cases before they reach the trial stage. This failure is a moral one, and not just administrative.


Maharashtra’s ruling alliance, the Mahayuti, came to power promising a sterner hand on law and order. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, as the State’s Home Minister, has often positioned himself as the custodian of Maharashtra’s internal security and the architect of a more efficient policing system. Unfortunately, at the moment, this perception is dismal.


It appears that the system bends for the powerful, stalls when confronted with theinconvenient, and collapses entirely for those without influence. This is why the Malegaon case demands more than formulaic assurances. It requires Fadnavis and the Mahayuti government to demonstrate that the state still retains the moral authority to deliver justice. They must ensure that investigators receive the resources they need, that lapses are punished, and that the trial proceeds on an accelerated timeline. Anything less risks further eroding public trust in the institutions meant to protect the vulnerable.


A society is judged not by how loudly it condemns barbarism, but by how effectively it prevents and prosecutes it. Maharashtra now stands at that test.

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