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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Talent Thrust into the Fire

Writer: Waleed Hussain
Waleed Hussain
Jan 26
4 min read

Shubman Gill’s rapid rise to India’s ODI captaincy in late 2025 was billed as the beginning of a bold new chapter for Indian cricket. At just 26, the elegant Punjab batsman had already carved out an impressive resume: a Test average above 50, consistent big scores in white-ball cricket, and a reputation as one of the most technically sound stroke-makers in the modern game. His appointment came on the heels of Rohit Sharma’s retirement from limited-overs formats following India’s successful Champions Trophy campaign in early 2025, where Rohit had led with trademark composure. The BCCI, under chief selector Ajit Agarkar and in consultation with head coach Gautam Gambhir, saw Gill as the natural long-term successor, fast-tracking him to prepare for the 2027 ODI World Cup in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Namibia. Yet, mere months into the role, the initial excitement has given way to intense scrutiny, with a string of disappointing results prompting debates about whether the transition was rushed.


Gill’s ODI captaincy journey began inauspiciously with a three-match series against Australia in October 2025. The opener in Perth was a rain-marred affair reduced to 26 overs, where India lost by seven wickets under the DLS method. Gill managed just 10 runs off 18 balls, undone by the relentless pace of Mitchell Starc and Josh Hazlewood. The second match saw another collapse under pressure, sealing a 2-1 series defeat despite a dominant consolation win in the third ODI at Sydney, chasing down the target with nine wickets to spare. This made Gill only the second Indian captain after Virat Kohli to lose his debut ODI as skipper, highlighting the brutal initiation he faced in a high-stakes away series.


The situation deteriorated further in January 2026 during the home series against New Zealand. What was expected to be a routine assignment against a transitional Kiwi side turned into a historic setback: New Zealand’s first-ever bilateral ODI series victory on Indian soil. India took the first ODI in Vadodara by four wickets, chasing 301 with composure. However, New Zealand bounced back emphatically in the second at Rajkot, winning by seven wickets after posting a competitive total. The decider in Indore proved decisive—New Zealand amassed 337/8, powered by centuries from Daryl Mitchell (137) and Glenn Phillips (106), before bowling India out for 296 despite Virat Kohli’s valiant 124. The 41-run loss completed a 2-1 series defeat, leaving fans and experts stunned.


In six ODIs as captain, Gill’s record stands at two wins and four losses—a win percentage of just 33.33 per cent, a sharp contrast to India’s historical dominance in the format and Rohit’s roughly 75 per cent success rate over 56 matches. Critics have zeroed in on tactical shortcomings: sluggish powerplay bowling, delayed changes, questionable field placements, and a perceived lack of aggression. Former players like Ajinkya Rahane pointed to missed opportunities in the Indore game, where spinners Kuldeep Yadav and Ravindra Jadeja were underutilized while part-timers bowled more overs. Commentators such as Ian Smith noted Gill appearing “out of ideas” during key partnerships, and Simon Doull criticised his passivity. Social media and platforms like Reddit have echoed this, branding him a “weak captain,” with some fans even demanding his removal following poor domestic Ranji Trophy outings (0 and 14 in one match). Calls have surfaced to reinstate Rohit Sharma, with former cricketer Manoj Tiwary questioning why the BCCI moved on from a proven winner so soon after a major title.


Gill’s personal form offers a silver lining. Since assuming captaincy, he has averaged over 50 in ODIs (though some reports note a dip to around 29-30 in captaincy games compared to pre-captaincy highs near 59), demonstrating resilience under pressure. His batting remains a cornerstone, providing stability at the top. There are also encouraging signs for the future: backing young bowlers like Harshit Rana, who has shown promise, and all-rounder Nitish Kumar Reddy, who contributed usefully in the New Zealand series. Gill’s Test captaincy, starting mid-2025 after Rohit and Kohli’s retirements from the format, has shown more promise—a hard-fought 2-2 draw in England, including a century in the opener—suggesting multi-format leadership could hone his skills faster, akin to Kohli’s growth.


However, captaincy demands more than runs; it requires aura, decisiveness, and the ability to inspire in crises—qualities Rohit exuded calmly and Kohli fiercely. Gill, with limited prior experience (sporadic IPL stints with Gujarat Titans reaching playoffs but no titles, plus brief T20I captaincy), appears to lack that intangible edge. The BCCI’s choice seems driven by batting pedigree and long-term vision rather than extensive leadership credentials, raising questions of favouritism over merit in a results-oriented sport.


Looking forward, redemption lies in upcoming challenges: tours, the 2026 Asia Cup, and building toward 2027. Consistent series wins could quiet critics and allow Gill to mature. Persistent struggles, though, might force a rethink—perhaps elevating KL Rahul or Suryakumar Yadav.


Gill is undeniably talented, a generational batsman with poise and potential. But talent alone rarely lifts trophies; leadership must match it. For now, his ODI captaincy remains a high-stakes experiment—full of promise yet perilously close to unravelling if results don’t improve soon.


(The writer is a senior journalist based in Mumbai. Views personal.)

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