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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

MVA protests for third day:

Mumbai: The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) allies continued their agitation for the third day in different parts of Maharashtra with an aggressive state Congress hitting the streets today to protest the detention of Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, his sister Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra and other Congress leaders yesterday, here on Wednesday. State and city Youth Congress again carried out vociferous protests near Mantralaya raising slogans, carrying banners and placards slamming the...

MVA protests for third day:

Mumbai: The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) allies continued their agitation for the third day in different parts of Maharashtra with an aggressive state Congress hitting the streets today to protest the detention of Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, his sister Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra and other Congress leaders yesterday, here on Wednesday. State and city Youth Congress again carried out vociferous protests near Mantralaya raising slogans, carrying banners and placards slamming the state and central Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and when some attempted to enter inside, they were prevented by a strong posse of Mumbai Police deployed there since Monday. As tensions appeared to escalate, the police clamped down by detaining top state and city Youth Congress leaders including President Harshwardhan Sapkal, Vijay Wadettiwar, Bhai Jagtap, Hussain Dalwai, and many others. Thousands of students carried out a fresh demonstration at Dadar west Shivaji Park to vent their ire at the police action on Cockroach Janta Party (CJP)’s agitation in New Delhi on Monday. Several MVA leaders and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray visited or expressed solidarity with the protesting youth, comprising many women. Opposition’s Voice The Congress leaders alleged that Rahul Gandhi was targeted by the BJP-led government to muzzle democratic dissent, suppress the Opposition voices inside and outside Parliament and trampling upon the peoples' Constitutional Rights to protest peacefully. Defying pouring rains in the city on Wednesday, Congress workers along with activists of MVA allies, staged a noisy demonstration in Chembur and another group attempted to storm the BJP office in south Mumbai, condemning the assault on students in New Delhi and the detention of the Gandhi siblings. Senior Congress leader Hussain Dalwai flayed the government for “misusing the police” to gag democratic rights and the protests were intended to defend the Constitution and democracy against the BJP’s policy of intolerance of dissent in any form. “This is gross injustice. We are not allowed to protest against the government failures as they are misusing the police. The PM is scared of taking the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan as he could be the next. We want to highlight to the BJP to govern the country as per the Constitution,” Dalwai declared, interacting with the media at Nariman Point. As the BJP also threatened to launch counter-protests, the police cordoned off and deployed a precautionary security ring around Tilak Bhavan, the state Congress headquarters, as leaders from both sides exchanged political darts and looked aggressive enough for a confrontation. MVA ‘bandh’, ‘Tricolour’ march today The state is set for another two days of political turmoil as the MVA has announced a Maharashtra shutdown (‘bandh’) on Thursday followed by a non-partisan ‘Tricolour Peace March’ on Friday. MVA allies, Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) President Prakash Ambedkar and Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray, besides other leaders of the alliance, informed of the state and city level actions today. Ambedkar appealed to the masses and also the BJP youth to participate wholeheartedly in the bandh tomorrow and claimed that students’ bodies, parent-teachers associations, colleges, universities, other institutes of higher education, private coaching institutions, and other governmental departments could support the shutdown, as it has now become a national issue. Aaditya sought the peoples’ participation in the ‘Tricolour Peace March’ on the theme of “One Nation, One Emotion” planned on July 24 afternoon to Shivaji Park, in support of environmentalist Sonam Wangchuk, the Cockroach Janta Party, plus the youth and students protesting in New Delhi. Terming it as a national citizens’ movement rather than a political party, he called upon the people not to carry any party flags but unite under the National Tricolour to assert democratic rights and express resentment against the government’s high-handed policies. Meanwhile, Mumbai Police have already imposed prohibitory orders under Section 144 across the city from July 23-to- August 6, apprehending the possibility of law-and-order disturbances.

The Battle for Balasaheb's Legacy

Eknath Shinde’s greatest political challenge is not within the ruling Mahayuti but in ensuring that Uddhav Thackeray ceases to matter.

Maharashtra has seldom witnessed political upheaval on the scale of the past decade. Since 2014, the state’s alliances have been broken and remade with astonishing frequency and parties that once defined themselves by ideological certainties have embraced improbable partners. Yet three years - 2019, 2022 and 2024 - stand apart. Each reshaped not merely the composition of government but the balance of power within the state’s political establishment. More importantly, each brought Maharashtra closer to answering a question that remains unresolved: who truly inherited the political legacy of Balasaheb Thackeray?


Irreversible Schisms

The first rupture came after the Assembly election of 2019. The Bharatiya Janata Party and the undivided Shiv Sena, partners for nearly three decades, parted ways over the chief ministership. Uddhav Thackeray joined hands with the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party to form the Maha Vikas Aghadi, an alliance whose ideological contradictions were outweighed by the immediate arithmetic of power. The unprecedented experiment rewrote Maharashtra’s politics and inaugurated a period of realignment from which the state has yet to emerge.


If 2019 unsettled the old order, 2022 demolished it. Eknath Shinde led one of the most consequential rebellions in the Shiv Sena’s history, taking with him a substantial section of the party’s legislators. The revolt toppled the Uddhav Thackeray-led MVA government and split the Sena into rival claimants.


The political consequences were even more profound. Shinde became Chief Minister with BJP support, while Devendra Fadnavis - widely expected to reclaim the post - accepted the office of Deputy Chief Minister. The arrangement surprised observers and immediately raised questions about the future balance of power inside the ruling alliance.


Both leaders have consistently projected unity in public. Yet politics seldom eliminates ambition merely because coalition arithmetic demands cooperation. Shinde had ceased to be merely another regional ally of the BJP. By carrying away much of the Shiv Sena's legislative strength and organisational machinery, he emerged as a power centre in his own right. Fadnavis, meanwhile, has remained the BJP’s pre-eminent leader in Maharashtra and the party’s natural claimant to long-term leadership of the state.


Complex Equation

The BJP complicated this equation further in 2023 by inducting the late Ajit Pawar and his faction of the NCP into the ruling coalition. The move widened the alliance’s social and electoral reach, but it also ensured that no single regional partner - not even Shinde - could become indispensable.


The Assembly election of 2024 seemed to vindicate this strategy. The Mahayuti secured a commanding victory. Although the BJP emerged as the largest party, many analysts credited the popularity of the Ladki Bahin Yojana, widely identified with Shinde’s government, with expanding the alliance's support among women voters.


Yet electoral credit and political reward proved to be different things. With the BJP winning the largest number of seats, Fadnavis returned as Chief Minister. For Shinde, who had governed the state for more than two years and campaigned vigorously across Maharashtra, the outcome represented an unmistakable diminution of authority.


Since then, speculation about an undeclared rivalry has persisted. The two leaders continue to present a united front, but political observers have noted episodes suggesting that Shinde remains determined to preserve an independent political identity. His separate meetings with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah have repeatedly fuelled such perceptions. Whatever the official explanation, they have reinforced the impression that the BJP’s central leadership continues to regard Shinde as an influential pillar of the National Democratic Alliance, irrespective of who occupies the Chief Minister’s office in Mumbai.


Yet, the more serious challenge to Shinde lies elsewhere. Rumours have surfaced of a possible reconciliation between the BJP and the Thackeray family. None has materialised. Even so, the speculation has served as a reminder of an uncomfortable political reality. As long as Uddhav Thackeray retains organisational strength, electoral relevance and emotional ownership of Balasaheb Thackeray’s legacy, alternative political alignments remain conceivable. For Shinde, that uncertainty itself constitutes a strategic vulnerability.


It explains the significance of what has been described as ‘Operation Tiger’ under which prominent leaders from Shiv Sena (UBT) have reportedly crossed over to Shinde’s camp. Every Member of Parliament, legislator, district functionary or corporator who defects serves a dual purpose. Numerically, Shinde’s organisation grows stronger. Symbolically, his claim to be the authentic inheritor of the Shiv Sena becomes more persuasive.


That argument received a notable endorsement when Amit Shah declared at a public function in Kolhapur that there was only one Shiv Sena, led by Eknath Shinde.


Shinde is fighting two distinct battles simultaneously. One is internal to the Mahayuti, where he must preserve sufficient political weight to negotiate with the BJP on equal terms. The other, and ultimately the more consequential, is against Uddhav Thackeray.


The contest today concerns political inheritance and the right to claim the legacy of Balasaheb Thackeray. Should Shinde succeed in bringing most of the Shiv Sena’s organisational structure under his command before he 2029 Assembly election, he would approach the next round of negotiations from a position of considerably greater strength.


Some political observers have even speculated that, if the BJP were eventually to entrust Fadnavis with a larger national role after 2029, Shinde would naturally emerge as the strongest contender for the chief ministership within the alliance.


Politics rarely unfolds according to long-term blueprints. But the logic underpinning Shinde’s present strategy is unmistakable. For him, Uddhav Thackeray cannot simply be ignored or contained. He must be politically diminished. As long as Uddhav commands loyal legislators, local leaders and committed workers, the Shiv Sena’s inheritance remains disputed. For Shinde, success will ultimately be measured on whether voters have accepted that the Shiv Sena’s future belong to him rather than to Uddhav Thackeray.


(The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

 

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