The Battle for the Maratha Narrative

Jarange’s latest agitation is testing both Fadnavis and Shinde and the Mahayuti’s ability to contain the Maratha movement.

Manoj Jarange Patil’s latest agitation has moved beyond the question of reservation. It has become a test of political authority, the internal balance of the Mahayuti and Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’s ability to contain a movement that has already demonstrated its capacity to shape Maharashtra’s electoral politics.

For three years, one feature of the Maratha reservation agitation stood out: Jarange could be fiercely critical of the BJP and Fadnavis while maintaining a noticeably softer relationship with Eknath Shinde. That equation has now changed.

Jarange’s latest agitation, which began at Antarwali Sarati on August 29 is his 11th hunger strike. His principal demand remains the recognition of eligible Marathas as Kunbis and the issuance of Kunbi certificates, along with implementation of measures linked to historical gazette records, withdrawal of cases against protesters and relief for families affected by earlier agitations.

He has repeatedly invoked the approximately 58 lakh historical Kunbi records identified by the government. In August 2025, his massive Mumbai mobilisation ended after the state accepted six of his eight principal demands and issued a Government Resolution relating to the Hyderabad Gazette process. A year later, his argument is that implementation has not matched the assurances.

The government, on the other hand, points to certificates already issued, pending applications and the legal and administrative process required to establish genealogical links.

Jarange’s greatest strength is his ability to turn a complicated administrative and constitutional question into an emotionally simple political narrative. His rural appeal, the presence of women and families at his gatherings and his mastery of the 24-hour news and social-media cycle have helped him maintain political relevance even when analysts wrote him off.

The latest mobilisation has again demonstrated this capacity. He has now asked supporters to quietly move towards Mumbai ahead of September 12, even suggesting that they avoid drawing attention to their arrival.

Changing Equation

During the earlier phase of the movement, Eknath Shinde was often seen as someone who could communicate with Jarange. As former CM, Shinde had gone to Antarwali Sarati to persuade Jarange to end an earlier fast and also travelled to Navi Mumbai when the movement threatened to enter Mumbai. Shinde had positioned himself as the government’s accessible Maratha face.

The political dividends of that approach were also visible. While Fadnavis increasingly became the face of Jarange’s criticism, Shinde was able to build a separate political identity among sections of the Maratha community.

But Jarange’s direct criticism of Shinde began becoming visible even before the present fast. In August, he accused Shinde of betraying the Maratha community after caste-validity authorities cancelled certificates involving elected representatives. The confrontation intensified when Shinde’s farmer-youth programme was organised in Parbhani on August 30. Jarange publicly questioned the timing of the event and demanded that it be cancelled.

During the programme, protesters raised “Ek Maratha, Lakh Maratha” slogans as Shinde began speaking.

For years, Shinde benefited politically from being seen as a Maratha leader within the Mahayuti. Jarange’s earlier hostility was directed primarily towards Fadnavis. Now, the movement is telling Shinde that being a Maratha leader is not enough; he must demonstrate that he is delivering for the Maratha community.

There is another possible explanation. The political ecosystem around Jarange and Shinde has changed. The earlier perception that Shinde could act as a bridge between the government and the Maratha movement has weakened. The very political proximity that once benefited Shinde may now have created expectations that are impossible to satisfy.

The challenge for Fadnavis is considerably larger than dealing with one activist. He has to solve three equations simultaneously.

First, the Maratha equation. He cannot appear indifferent to a community that has demonstrated its ability to mobilise statewide. Second, the OBC equation. Any blanket political assurance that effectively expands OBC benefits without a legally sustainable framework risks triggering opposition from OBC groups.

Thirdly, Fadnavis has to prevent the agitation from becoming a contest between Jarange and Shinde, because that would turn a social issue into an internal political battle.

No Surrender

Fadnavis is unlikely to follow the earlier model of repeatedly meeting Jarange at the protest site and making political assurances that subsequently become fresh expectations. His public position has already indicated that while the government is prepared to discuss demands, they must be constitutionally and legally sustainable.

The government’s latest draft reportedly includes displaying Kunbi records at gram panchayat offices, village-level scrutiny mechanisms, monitoring through divisional commissioners, action against officials delaying certificates and review of caste-verification cases.

If Jarange continues attacking Shinde, Fadnavis has little incentive to turn that into a personal political war. The smarter approach is to treat Shinde as part of the government while keeping the principal issue administrative and constitutional.

September 12 is the critical political deadline. Jarange has said that the Maratha community’s core committee will decide the next phase, including possible Mumbai mobilisation.

If the government concedes too much, it risks alienating OBC voters and inviting legal challenges. If it concedes too little, Jarange can portray every administrative delay as betrayal. If it arrests or forcibly removes protesters, the government risks recreating the emotional circumstances that originally transformed Jarange into a statewide political force.

That is the lesson of the 2023 lathi-charge at Antarwali Sarati. The present government has every reason to avoid repeating that political mistake.

For Shinde, the immediate challenge is even more personal. A man who once benefited from being seen as the political bridge between the government and the Maratha movement is now being asked by that same movement to prove whose side he is on. For Fadnavis, the objective is to ensure that neither Jarange nor the political rivalry within the Mahayuti gets to define the government’s response.

(The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)