top of page

By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law...

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law within the framework of safeguarding India’s pluralistic and democratic character. The AIMPLB leaders said they are soliciting support of people, intellectuals, activists, social and religious organisations who value justice, democracy, peace and the Constitution, to strengthen constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, justice and equality, religious freedom, social harmony and national unity. Around 100 progressive Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals, activists, organisations and supporters have warned that what the AIMPLB presents as a defence of constitutional rights, religious freedom and Muslim identity "could deepen divisions, and may provide political ammunition to right-wing forces". The progressive have accused AIMPLB of selectively invoking Art. 25-30 of the Constitution related to Religious Freedom, while ignoring that these rights are explicitly subject to public order, morality, and health. Moreover, they conveniently bypass Articles 14 and 15, which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit sex or religion-based discrimination. “Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections where civil society and opposition parties rallied under 'Save the Constitution', the AIMPLB's campaign inadvertently gave the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar a platform to posture as defenders of constitutional norms. Ahead of crucial state assembly elections, this campaign reinforces false narratives and fuels propaganda that Indian Muslims reject the law of the land,” said the intellectuals. They pointed out how the so-called ‘God-given Shariat Law’ in India is nothing but man-made personal laws and ‘male interpreted patriarchal interpretations’, defended by the AIMPLB. In its September 2016 Supreme Court affidavit in the Triple Talaq case (Sayara Bano v/s. Union of India), the AIMPLB’s affidavit claimed divorce rights belong primarily to husbands because men allegedly possess ‘greater power of decision-making’ and ‘control emotions’. It even argued that without a quick separation option, a husband ‘may resort to illegal, criminal ways of murdering or burning her alive’ - a disturbing rationalization of domestic violence. Claiming these laws are divine, the AIMPLB admitted that “India is a patriarchal society, and therefore personal laws of all communities are aligned with the patriarchal notion...” The progressives countered that Muslim-majority nations globally including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tunisia and Morocco have codified and reformed personal laws to protect women's rights. “Millions of Muslims live in secular democratic nations with uniform family codes without putting ‘Islam in danger’. The Muslim community’s current legal predicament in India is the direct result of the AIMPLB and conservative leaders failing to proactively reform and codify Muslim Personal Law,” said the progressives sharply. They said that genuine family law reform must guarantee Muslim women equal rights regarding minimum marriage age, abolition of polygamy, mutual divorce, equal inheritance, child custody, adoption, and a ban on female genital mutilation and halala. While secular political parties rarely support the rights of Muslim women, the BJP and the Hindu Right wing do so with an obvious motive: ‘communal polarization’, said the progressives. “The sangh parivar sheds crocodile tears for Muslim women while ignoring relentless hate speech (Love Jihad, Land Jihad…) and hate crimes like mob lynching, bulldozing homes, demolishing mosques or economic boycotts, with chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to intimidate and strike fear. This accompanies state actions targeting Muslims: Waqf Amendment Act, draconian anti-conversion laws, and a weaponised SIR (Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls) to disenfranchise vast sections of the electorate,” they averred. The progressives have sought the active involvement of all enlightened forces, civil society organisations and secular political parties to ensure that the demand for a gender-just, religion-neutral Uniform Civil Code is rooted in equality and human rights, rather than weaponized for communal division. Among the signatories to the appeal are: Naseeruddin Shah, Amol Palekar, Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Anand Patwardhan, Sultan Shaheen, Teesta Setalvad, Ram Puniyani, Tushar Gandhi, Mallika Sarabhai, Ratna Pathak, Feroze Mithiborwala, Anita Cheria, Zakia Soman, Jyothi Yedulla, Noorjehan S. Niaz, Madhu Bhaduri, et al.

The Broken Crescent (Part 1)

Dec 16, 2024
5 min read

Updated: Dec 17, 2024

Syria’s Turmoil

From Jasmine to Ruin: How the Arab Spring Sowed Syria’s Turmoil

Strapline: The collapse of Assad’s regime marks the Arab Spring’s final act, revealing a legacy of shattered states and unfinished revolutions.


Bashar al-Assad's regime has finally collapsed in Syria, marking the last chapter of the Arab Spring's tumultuous legacy. Over a decade after a street vendor's desperate act of self-immolation in Tunisia sparked a wave of uprisings across the Arab world, Syria’s protracted struggle has culminated in a fragile and uncertain new era. The Arab Spring, which began in December 2010 with calls for democracy and dignity, has undoubtedly reshaped West Asia’s political landscape, leaving behind a patchwork of progress and ruin. The so-called ‘Spring’ began as a flicker of hope and quickly transformed into a region-wide conflagration. From 2010 to 2012, a cascade of protests, uprisings, and revolutions swept across the Middle East and North Africa, shaking authoritarian regimes that had ruled for decades. Ordinary citizens sought democratic reforms, economic justice, and an end to the tyranny of dictators.


But the consequences of this political upheaval were as varied as the nations involved. While some countries experienced fleeting moments of democratic triumph, others descended into chaos, providing fertile ground for extremists. Nowhere has this turbulence been more profound and protracted than in Syria, whose civil war simmered for over a decade culminating in Assad’s fall.

The fuse was lit in Tunisia on December 17, 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vendor, set himself ablaze protesting against police harassment and economic despair. His act of self-immolation ignited a wave of outrage across the country, highlighting decades of economic stagnation, unemployment, and political corruption under President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.


Demonstrations spread rapidly, and attempts to quell them with force only fueled the flames. By January 14, 2011, Ben Ali had fled the country, marking the first major victory of the Arab Spring.


Tunisia’s transition to democracy, heralded by a new constitution and free elections, became a model for the region. Yet, the road was not without hurdles. Economic instability persisted, as did security threats from extremist groups. Even today, Tunisia’s democratic experiment remains fragile, yet it stands as one of the Arab Spring’s few relative successes.


Inspired by Tunisia, Egyptians took to Cairo’s Tahrir Square on January 25, 2011, demanding the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, who had ruled with an iron grip for nearly three decades. The protests culminated in Mubarak’s resignation on February 11, 2011, after weeks of mass demonstrations and violent clashes. For a moment, Egypt seemed poised for a democratic rebirth.

 

But the euphoria was short-lived. The military, which assumed control after Mubarak’s fall, struggled to balance competing political forces. By 2013, the democratic experiment faltered when the military ousted the elected president, Mohamed Morsi, following widespread protests. Today, Egypt remains under authoritarian rule, with the hopes of the revolution dashed and economic and social grievances as pressing as ever.

 

In Libya, the Arab Spring evolved into a bloody civil war. The revolution against Muammar Gaddafi, who had ruled for over four decades, began in February 2011. Inspired by Tunisia and Egypt, Libyans rose against a regime marked by repression, corruption, and grotesque human rights abuses. As protests intensified, Gaddafi vowed to crush dissent with brute force. This prompted international intervention; the United Nations authorized a no-fly zone, and NATO launched airstrikes to support the rebels.

 

The conflict culminated in Gaddafi’s capture and death in October 2011, bringing an end to his autocratic reign. But Libya’s victory was Pyrrhic. The country plunged into chaos, with rival militias vying for power. The state fragmented, its oil wealth squandered in a protracted struggle for dominance. Over a decade later, Libya remains mired in instability, a stark reminder of how revolutions can shatter nations more thoroughly than they transform them.

 

While Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya grappled with the immediate aftermath of their revolutions, Syria’s descent into conflict was far more catastrophic and enduring. The Syrian uprising began in March 2011, when protests erupted in the southern city of Daraa after the arrest and torture of teenagers accused of writing anti-government graffiti. The regime of President Bashar al-Assad responded with brutal force, transforming what began as peaceful demonstrations into a full-blown civil war.

 

Syria’s conflict became a proxy battleground for regional and global powers. Iran and Russia supported Assad, while Western nations and Gulf states backed various rebel factions. Amid the chaos, extremist groups like ISIS exploited the power vacuum, spreading terror across the region. By 2014, ISIS had declared a caliphate, controlling swathes of Syria and Iraq and perpetrating atrocities that shocked the world. The war’s toll was staggering. Over 500,000 people were killed, and millions were displaced, creating one of the worst refugee crises in modern history. Entire cities, including Aleppo and Raqqa, were reduced to rubble. Assad’s regime, however, clung to power with Russian air support and Iranian militias, gradually regaining territory.

 

By 2024, after years of grinding conflict, a tenuous resolution emerged. A peace agreement brokered by Russia, Turkey, and Iran offered a semblance of stability, albeit on Assad’s terms. The regime remains in power, its survival a testament to the brutality it wielded to crush opposition. Yet, Syria’s recovery is far from assured. Reconstruction costs are estimated in the hundreds of billions, and trust between the regime and its people is non-existent.

 

The Arab Spring revealed the depth of frustration simmering across the Middle East and North Africa. In many countries, decades of autocratic rule had bred corruption, economic stagnation, and social despair. Youth unemployment was rampant, public services were inadequate, and civil liberties were scarce. The uprisings were a cry for dignity and justice in societies where both had long been denied.

 

Yet, the outcomes of these revolutions varied widely. Tunisia remains a fragile democracy, while Egypt reverted to authoritarianism. Libya and Syria exemplify the dangers of power vacuums, where the fall of dictators unleashed violence and extremism. In Yemen, another Arab Spring battleground, a civil war continues to devastate the country, with no resolution in sight.

 

The Arab Spring also had unintended consequences. It created opportunities for extremist groups like ISIS to flourish, exploiting chaos to establish a foothold. The refugee crisis it generated placed enormous strain on neighboring countries and Europe, reshaping global politics and fueling the rise of populist movements in the West.

 

Syria’s civil war underscores the complexities of revolutionary change. Unlike Tunisia or Egypt, where protests quickly toppled leaders, Syria’s uprising morphed into a protracted war, exacerbated by sectarian divisions and foreign interventions. Despite years of negotiations and ceasefires, the conflict dragged on, with no consensus among foreign powers on how to resolve it. The eventual peace deal, brokered without Western involvement, reflects a shift in the region’s balance of power toward Russia and Iran.

 

As the dust settles on the Arab Spring, its legacy remains a cautionary tale. It exposed the fragility of authoritarian regimes but also the perils of revolution without a clear roadmap for governance. For the region’s youth, who remain hungry for change, the lessons of the Arab Spring are sobering. Democratic transitions are rare, and the costs of upheaval can be staggering.

Syria stands as a stark reminder of what can happen when protests are met with unrelenting violence and when foreign powers pursue competing agendas in a fractured state. The country’s fragile peace may mark the end of its civil war, but it is far from achieving the dignity and justice that first drove its people to rise in 2011.


(Part two of this series on revisiting the Arab Spring will delve into Syria’s protracted struggle for revolution and explore the mass movements that unfolded in Yemen, Bahrain, and Morocco)

Comments


bottom of page