top of page

By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

The Coldrif Tragedy: When Systems Fail Our Children

Pharmaceutical negligence and a hollowed-out regulatory state have made tragedy routine in India.

Earlier this month, India confronted a familiar nightmare. Children in Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh, began falling ill after taking a simple cough syrup. Before toxic batches were identified, at least 20 young lives were lost. They were victims not of disease, but of a pharmaceutical industry unchecked by conscience and a regulatory system weakened by neglect.


Tests revealed the culprit to be diethylene glycol (DEG), an industrial solvent present in Coldrif syrup manufactured by Sresan Pharma at 480 times the permissible limit. This was no accident, but a calculated betrayal where profit overrode safety, and which was enabled by a system that allowed it to happen.


The irony is unbearable. Eighty-eight years earlier, in 1937, the United States faced an identical disaster when the S.E. Massengill Company sold Elixir Sulfanilamide laced with DEG. At least 105 people, mostly children, died. The outrage led to the 1938 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, forcing companies to prove drug safety before sale and transforming the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) into a true public health guardian. India, by contrast, seems doomed to repeat history rather than learn from it.


Systemic failures

The Coldrif case exposes a web of systemic failures. A syrup containing 48 percent DEG could not result from a labelling slip. Someone knew. Someone mixed industrial solvent into medicine meant for children, gambling that supervision was too weak to catch them.


Yet, accountability has been selective. A local doctor was arrested for prescribing the syrup to children under five, while the manufacturer, the real culprit, initially walked free. The Indian Medical Association rightly called this scapegoating. Under the Drugs and Cosmetics Act (1940) and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (2023), producing adulterated drugs carries penalties up to life imprisonment. But laws on paper mean little when they gather dust while children die.


Just this month, the World Health Organization told India that “much remains to be done” to halt the sale of toxic cough syrups after at least 24 children died. Investigations at Sresan Pharma’s Tamil Nadu plant revealed more than 350 critical quality-control violations — rusted equipment, untested excipients, and untrained staff. India’s drug regulator, belatedly tightening the rules, has now made DEG and ethylene glycol testing mandatory for both finished syrups and raw materials.


The deeper problem lies in India’s fractured regulatory architecture. The Central Drugs Standard Control Organisation (CDSCO), under the Health Ministry, lacks autonomy and enforcement power. State drug regulators function unevenly, with overlapping authority and varying competence. A system designed in 1940 for a smaller industry now struggles to monitor a pharmaceutical behemoth.


The scale of neglect is staggering. Approximately 3,500 inspectors are reportedly responsible for nearly 10,500 drug manufacturers — barely one inspection per facility every few years. Many units haven’t upgraded to revised Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) despite repeated extensions.


Such episodes are no longer local misfortunes but international reputational hazards. When Indian-made medicines kill children abroad, the spill-over is moral, commercial and diplomatic. Regulators who claim that the tainted batches were not exported may find this comforting, but the very existence of informal export channels means the risk is latent and transnational. In a globalised pharmaceuticals market, supply-chain negligence in Nagpur or Kancheepuram can turn into a crisis in Yaoundé or Bangkok with almost no detection in between.


Broader pattern

India’s tragedy mirrors a broader pattern of pharmaceutical lapses thriving in weak regulatory environments. In Panama (2006–2007), DEG-contaminated cough syrup killed at least 78 people according to official counts, though some estimates suggest over 100 deaths. In 2019–2020, similar contamination killed children in Jammu. Since 2022, Indian-made syrups have caused child deaths in The Gambia, Uzbekistan, and Cameroon, prompting WHO alerts. In every case, industrial solvents replaced pharmaceutical-grade glycerin because DEG is cheaper.


The Panama case showed how negligence spans continents. Chinese suppliers mislabelled chemicals, Spanish traders rebranded them and officials failed to verify imports.


Earlier this month, the WHO issued yet another global alert over three Indian-manufactured syrups deemed “toxic to children,” warning that illicit exports cannot be ruled out. The repetition is chilling. Each new scandal underscores that the problem is not an aberration but a recurring structural malaise.


Here lies the cruel contradiction. India is hailed as the ‘pharmacy of the world,’ supplying affordable medicines and vaccines to 150 countries. Yet Indian-made drugs have often caused preventable deaths both at home and abroad.


Even when penalties reach millions of dollars globally, large companies treat them as a cost of doing business. Smaller manufacturers thrive under weak oversight, viewing compliance as optional. Far more than damaging commerce, each contaminated export erodes trust. When Indian syrups kill children overseas, it tarnishes not just the brand, but the nation’s moral standing.


The post-1938 American blueprint, where safety became a pre-condition for sale rather than a punitive afterthought, remains precisely what India has yet to internalise. The European Medicines Agency and Japan’s PMDA offer models of regulatory independence and transparency that New Delhi’s fragmented system sorely lacks.


Demanding accountability

True justice in the Coldrif case demands three layers of accountability:

First, criminal liability must be enforced. Executives at Sresan Pharma should face prosecution for negligence causing death, not merely regulatory violations. Suspension of licenses is cosmetic; imprisonment is deterrent.


Second, civil and financial penalties must sting. Compensation should be swift and substantial, not buried in litigation. The Panama case led to a compensation fund — modest but meaningful. India must follow suit.


Third, regulatory accountability is essential. Inspectors and officials who failed to detect the contamination must face inquiry. Were inspections skipped, or palms greased? Without systemic accountability, history will replay.


Systemic reform

Punishment alone won’t suffice; reform must follow. India needs a unified yet decentralised regulatory system where the CDSCO operates as an independent, statutory apex body coordinating with empowered state arms.


Quality Management Systems (QMS), already adopted by 85 percent of pharma firms, must become legally mandatory, with surprise audits. The Indian Pharmacopoeia Commission should conduct unannounced market testing, and special fast-track courts should try pharmaceutical crimes with technical expertise and speed.


Reform must begin before tragedy strikes. India should adopt GMP as binding law, not aspiration. DEG must be classified as a restricted chemical, its usage strictly tracked. Every batch of syrup should undergo independent pre-distribution testing.


Technology can help: digital labelling can prevent misbranding; real-time alerts can flag irregular procurement patterns.


The next step must go further: establishing a national drug-safety registry linking manufacturers, suppliers, and testing labs in real time. Such a platform, modelled on the FDA’s Sentinel Initiative, could spot anomalies before they kill. India’s ambition to be the world’s medicine cabinet must rest on credibility, not cheapness.


The Health Ministry now stands at a crossroads. It can issue another inquiry and wait for outrage to fade, or it can rebuild the system from the ground up. Reform must include statutory independence for regulators, higher inspection budgets, fast prosecution of offenders, and fair victim compensation. Coordinated international monitoring must prevent tainted exports that stain India’s global credibility.


The symmetry with the 1937 incident in FDR’s America is haunting: what spurred reform in Roosevelt’s America remains an open wound in Modi’s India. Until accountability becomes instinct rather than reaction, the next tragedy is only a shipment away.


The government will have to do more, much more, than offer token condolences to the parents of Chhindwara’s victims. They deserve swift justice, sweeping reforms and an assurance that no child will die again because medicine turned into poison.


India must finally prove it has learned what the world learned nearly a century ago: that the price of safety is eternal vigilance, not recurring tragedy.


(The writer is a Bengaluru-based freelancer. Views personal.)

Comments


bottom of page