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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 3:50:26 am

Beyond Ethanol: The Bigger Story Is India's Innovation Journey

Ethanol is one of many stepping stones on the journey towards cleaner energy systems. Energy transitions are rarely linear. Every major technological shift begins as an alternative, matures through public policy and market acceptance, and is eventually challenged by newer innovation. The debate surrounding ethanol-blended petrol in India should therefore be viewed through this larger prism rather than through the narrow lens of partisan politics. Since the National Biofuel Policy was unveiled...

Beyond Ethanol: The Bigger Story Is India's Innovation Journey

Ethanol is one of many stepping stones on the journey towards cleaner energy systems. Energy transitions are rarely linear. Every major technological shift begins as an alternative, matures through public policy and market acceptance, and is eventually challenged by newer innovation. The debate surrounding ethanol-blended petrol in India should therefore be viewed through this larger prism rather than through the narrow lens of partisan politics. Since the National Biofuel Policy was unveiled in 2018, India's ethanol blending programme has expanded with little political resistance. Brazil's four decades of experience with ethanol as a transport fuel partly inspired the policy. It sought to reduce dependence on imported crude oil, improve energy security, curb vehicular emissions and provide an additional revenue stream for sugarcane farmers. Those objectives remain largely unchanged. Yet, in recent months, ethanol has unexpectedly become a subject of political confrontation. The irony is striking. At precisely the moment the country is debating the merits of one transition fuel, Indian scientists and engineers are demonstrating technologies that could redefine the next generation of clean mobility. The inauguration of India's first hydrogen-powered passenger train marks one such milestone. Flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the 89-kilometre Jind-Sonipat route in Haryana, the train employs indigenous hydrogen fuel-cell technology to generate electricity, with water as the only emission. The project reduces the carbon footprint of rail transport and places India among a handful of countries experimenting with hydrogen-powered railway systems. Equipped with a 3,200-horsepower engine and ten coaches, it is also among the world's most powerful hydrogen trains. The significance of this development extends beyond railways. It signals the direction in which transport technology is headed. If July has been remarkable for clean mobility, it has been equally significant for India's space ambitions. Private space startup Skyroot Aerospace successfully launched its indigenously developed orbital launch vehicle, Vikram-1, under the mission Aagman. It marked the first successful attempt by an Indian private company to place a payload into orbit using its own launch vehicle. The achievement underlines the transformation underway in India's innovation ecosystem. Until recently, space exploration remained the exclusive domain of government agencies. Opening the sector to private enterprise has created opportunities that are already attracting international commercial interest. It is a reminder that policy reforms often create the conditions for technological breakthroughs. A similar story is unfolding in the electric vehicle sector. Bengaluru-based startup Vemag Labs has reportedly developed a technology that eliminates dependence on rare-earth permanent magnets used in electric motors. If commercialised, the innovation could reduce reliance on China's dominance of the global rare-earth supply chain—a longstanding strategic vulnerability for the automotive industry. These are not isolated success stories. They represent a broader pattern in India's technological evolution. Artificial intelligence is reshaping the global digital economy. Battery technologies continue to evolve. Hydrogen is emerging as the next frontier of clean transportation, while advanced nuclear technologies are receiving renewed attention. Scientific progress is compressing technological cycles so that today's breakthrough may become tomorrow's baseline. In this context, ethanol should be seen neither as the ultimate solution nor as a policy failure. It is a transitional technology—an important bridge between conventional fossil fuels and cleaner energy systems. It has helped lower crude oil imports, strengthened the rural economy through higher demand for agricultural feedstock and contributed to India's climate commitments. Equally, it has technological, economic and environmental limitations that future innovations may overcome. The real concern arises when scientific progress becomes captive to political narratives. Democratic scrutiny of public policy is both necessary and desirable. Governments must justify investments, evaluate costs and remain accountable for outcomes. But reducing every technological intervention to political binaries risks distracting attention from the larger national objective of building scientific capability and technological competitiveness. The trajectory of innovation suggests that tomorrow's public debate may no longer revolve around ethanol. It may centre on hydrogen-powered vehicles, synthetic fuels, next-generation batteries or technologies still confined to research laboratories. Public policy must therefore remain flexible enough to adapt to continuous scientific change rather than become entrenched in ideological positions. India's hydrogen train, its privately developed orbital rocket and advances in electric mobility together illustrate an important reality. The country's scientific ecosystem is entering a phase of rapid expansion, with innovation increasingly driven by collaboration between public institutions, private enterprise and research startups. Politics has every right to question policy. It should not, however, become an obstacle to scientific progress. History shows that societies which embrace innovation invariably lead the next wave of economic growth, while those trapped in ideological contests often find themselves catching up. The future of mobility will ultimately be determined not in television studios or political rallies, but in laboratories, research institutions and technology startups. India's challenge is not merely to participate in that future—it is to help shape it. (The writer is a senior journalist based in Kolhapur. Views personal.)

The Cost Beneath the Cloud

A boomtown data center economy is rising across five Indian states with no cap on the water it draws or the coal it burns to stay cool.

In Tusiana, a village of about two thousand people in Uttar Pradesh’s Gautam Buddha Nagar district, the road suddenly changes. For a while, it is wide and newly paved, surrounded by high walls, barbed wire, and police barricades, with a substation humming behind the fence. This marks the edge of the Yotta Data Center Park, which Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Rajeev Chandrasekhar, then India's junior minister for electronics and IT, opened in 2022. Just a kilometer further, the pavement falls apart, open drains line the street, and wells that once reached water at twenty or thirty feet now have to go down to eighty.


Uttar Pradesh signed the deal with Yotta for roughly 39,000 crore rupees, about 4.4 billion dollars, to build five more data centers on the same model over the next several years. The state’s data center policy promises round-the-clock water to the companies that build there, but it sets no limit on how much groundwater they can draw and no requirement that they report it. Yotta has told reporters it has dug no borewells for construction or operations. District officials, asked how much water the park and its neighbours actually pull from the ground, have said they do not know. The state’s agreement guarantees Yotta a fast-tracked build-out. It guarantees Tusiana nothing but the cost of digging deeper.


High Water Stress

Tusiana is not an outlier. It is the leading edge of a pattern. Three-quarters of India’s roughly 280 data centers sit in just five states, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Telangana and Uttar Pradesh, according to mapping by the World Resources Institute’s India office, and more than half of all facilities nationwide are built in regions already classified as water stressed, among them Chennai, which nearly ran its reservoirs dry in 2019 and is now one of the country’s established data center hubs. S&P Global estimates that sixty to eighty percent of Indian data centers will face high water stress before this decade is out. That is a hard number to square with India's underlying math: the country holds close to a fifth of the world’s population and, per the World Bank, only about four percent of its renewable water.


The situation with electricity is just as difficult. In May, India’s power grid broke its own peak demand record for four days in a row, reaching nearly 271 gigawatts as an early heat wave pushed temperatures above 47 degrees Celsius in parts of Uttar Pradesh. The power ministry asked people to save electricity. Chennai, one of the main data center states, had nightly power cuts during this time. To meet demand, coal provided about 62 percent of the power at the peak, while solar gave 22 percent and wind and hydro each supplied 5 percent. Over the whole year, coal's share is even higher, close to three-quarters.


The same tensions are already visible elsewhere. In Memphis, Elon Musk’s xAI, now part of SpaceX, has run dozens of gas turbines for more than a year to power its Colossus data center without the Clean Air Act permits the law requires. The turbines sit in neighbourhoods that are majority Black. The NAACP sued in April.


Last month, the Trump administration’s Justice Department intervened on xAI’s side, arguing that enforcement would endanger national security. Whatever the court eventually decides, the episode shows that political power can override a working legal mechanism for accountability, even in a country that has one. India’s data center industry is younger than America’s. It still has room to build accountability from the start.


Legal Requirements

India does have some regulations on paper. Large data centers must go through state-level environmental reviews before construction. However, a 2026 analysis by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water found that out of fifteen states with data center policies, most do not set efficiency standards, limits on water use per megawatt, or require public reporting. For example, when Andhra Pradesh approved a one-gigawatt park at Tarluvada, in the district with the state’s lowest groundwater reserves, the approval documents did not say how much water the project would use.


This is not an argument against the data center industry itself. India wants this growth, and the tax holiday extended through 2047 in this year’s budget is designed to attract large investments from places like Southeast Asia and the Gulf. There is already a better example within India: Meta’s new campus with Reliance in Jamnagar plans to use renewable power and cool its servers with desalinated seawater instead of groundwater, because someone asked the right questions before building. Asking these questions should be a legal requirement, not just a courtesy. Every data center above a modest size (five megawatts is a reasonable limit) should have to publicly report its water and electricity use every quarter, using standard metrics like water usage effectiveness and power usage effectiveness. This reporting should be required for environmental clearance and for getting the tax holiday and state incentives, not just included in a sustainability report that few people read.


Back in Tusiana, the substation keeps humming, and the park is only one data center into a planned six. Five more are coming, on the same aquifer, under rules that still do not require anyone to say how much they take. India’s next technology revolution should not come at the cost of its aquifers. The rules governing this industry must be written before the country's water runs out.


 

(The writer is an ICSSR Fellow at Govind Ballabh Pant Social Science Institute where his work focuses on environment, climate, political ecology, public policy and governance. Views personal.)

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