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By:

Bharati Dubey

17 May 2026 at 1:38:10 am

Raja Shivaji sparks a new era for Marathi cinema

Mumbai: As Raja Shivaji marches steadily towards the Rs 100 crore mark, the film has reignited debate around the future of the Marathi film industry. Having already crossed Rs 80 crore at the Indian box office, the historical drama is now only the second Marathi film after Sairat to achieve the milestone. Its success has raised a larger question within the trade: can a major blockbuster finally attract sustained investment into Marathi cinema, an industry often marked by cycles of growth and...

Raja Shivaji sparks a new era for Marathi cinema

Mumbai: As Raja Shivaji marches steadily towards the Rs 100 crore mark, the film has reignited debate around the future of the Marathi film industry. Having already crossed Rs 80 crore at the Indian box office, the historical drama is now only the second Marathi film after Sairat to achieve the milestone. Its success has raised a larger question within the trade: can a major blockbuster finally attract sustained investment into Marathi cinema, an industry often marked by cycles of growth and slowdown? Much of the buzz surrounding the film stems from the support it received from prominent Hindi film stars, several of whom reportedly came on board to back the project and the industry. Trade analyst Girish Wankhede believes the film’s biggest achievement lies in the scale of collaboration it represents. “The real strength of Raja Shivaji lies in its creative ensemble star cast, which Riteish Deshmukh successfully brought together. By roping in heavyweight Hindi stars like Abhishek Bachchan, Sanjay Dutt, and Salman Khan, the film showcases the immense combined value of cross-industry collaboration. This strong gesture of Hindi cinema’s biggest names extending full support to a Marathi project has created a powerful impression, generating tremendous curiosity and respect for Marathi cinema among audiences, investors, and other industries. It underscores how Marathi films can now command pan-Indian attention and star power,” he says. At the same time, Wankhede feels it may still be premature to call the film a runaway commercial success given its production scale and costs. “What is heartening is the visible new energy and creative fuel that Riteish Deshmukh has infused into Marathi cinema. With him at the helm of affairs, the film looks strong and polished, and this momentum, further amplified by the star support, is already drawing serious attention from investors who were earlier hesitant about the regional space,” he adds. Producer Suniel Wadhwa, Co-Founder and Director of Karmic Films, says the film’s performance could play an important role in rebuilding investor confidence in theatrical cinema. “The success of Raja Shivaji could significantly improve investor confidence in theatrical cinema, especially at a time when many non-film investors have become cautious about the sector. If the film succeeds as a large-scale theatrical event rather than just an opening weekend phenomenon, it will reinforce the belief that culturally rooted Indian stories still possess massive commercial potential across regions and demographics,” he says. However, Wadhwa points out that the industry continues to face deep structural challenges. “One of the biggest is the shortage of true theatrical stars who can create urgency for audiences to step into cinemas. Streaming has created visibility, but not necessarily ticket-selling mythology. At the same time, India remains heavily under-screened, and even strong films often struggle with inadequate show slots, limited showcasing windows, and overcrowded release calendars. Many films today are judged within the first 48–72 hours, leaving little room for organic word-of-mouth growth,” he says. According to him, the theatrical business is evolving rather than disappearing. “Audiences are now reserving cinema outings for event-driven experiences — spectacle, emotion, mythology, action, horror-comedy, and culturally resonant storytelling. Films that can create that collective viewing urgency will continue to attract both audiences and serious investment capital,” he adds. The Marathi film industry has witnessed a mixed year so far. More than two dozen films have released, but only a handful — including Raja Shivaji, Kranti Vidyalay Marathi Madhyam, Aga Aga Sunbai Mahnatay Sasubai, and Super Duper — have performed strongly at the box office. Veteran journalist Dilip Thakur believes Marathi cinema has already begun regaining momentum after the slowdown caused by the pandemic. “New Marathi films are getting launched regularly. The upcoming film Bapya had its screening at Sunny Super Sound, which was attended by non-Marathi journalists in big numbers. The story of Bapya is complex and difficult to make. The point here is that a producer agreed to put his money into the film. Sabar Bonda was another difficult subject which won an award at Sundance. So, producers willing to invest money in such subjects is one positive sign,” he says. Thakur also points to the continued appetite for mainstream Marathi entertainers. “The boom after Sairat still exists in Marathi cinema. There was a setback for four years because of Covid, but the industry has gained momentum. Ravi Jadhav’s new film Fulawara, based on tamasha folk art, will soon go on floors in Pune,” he says. He further notes that Marathi cinema is increasingly attracting investors from outside the industry. “Most Marathi films have non-Marathi investors. They are putting in money because there is business in Marathi cinema. But not every film becomes a hit. Subhash Ghai also produced a few Marathi films. If the subject is good, people are willing to invest,” he adds. Not everyone, however, is convinced that one major hit can alter the industry’s fortunes overnight. Nitin Datar, president of the Cinema Owners Association, remains cautious about reading too much into the film’s success. “Only one film success is not going to bring investors. In the last five years, out of nearly 500 films produced, the success rate has not been encouraging,” he says. Datar acknowledges that the presence of Hindi stars has helped boost the film’s commercial appeal but stresses that Marathi cinema still lacks enough bankable stars capable of consistently drawing audiences to theatres. “The production houses and directors have attracted audiences. Unfortunately, producers haven’t been successful in attracting financial assistance, which has resulted in low production and advertising budgets. But if films succeed in pulling audiences over the weekend, exhibitors automatically increase shows and reduce screenings of underperforming films from other languages. The audience is always there, waiting to visit theatres in large numbers for a good film,” he says. For now, Raja Shivaji has undeniably given Marathi cinema a strong moment in the spotlight. Whether that momentum translates into long-term financial confidence and sustained industry growth remains the larger question.

The Dynasty and the Darkness

India’s tryst with authoritarianism during the Emergency remains a lesson in the dangers of dynastic politics and constitutional contempt.

Who likes to dig up the past, especially when it is painful and tragic? Yet there are moments in a nation’s history that demand remembrance, however bitter, so their mistakes are not repeated. The Emergency of 1975, imposed by Indira Gandhi, remains one of India’s gravest political traumas. It was a time when the largest democracy in the world came perilously close to dictatorship and remains a cautionary tale of how unchecked power and dynastic obsession can undermine even the most robust democratic systems.


As India approached the 25th anniversary of its Constitution, it witnessed its brazen dismantling. A national Emergency was declared, and with it, the collapse of democratic institutions. Constitutional mechanisms were hollowed out, civil liberties suspended and the press throttled. Indira Gandhi’s motivation was starkly self-serving. The Allahabad High Court had invalidated her election to Parliament and barred her from holding office for six years. Rather than accept the verdict, she chose to override democracy in a deliberate act of constitutional murder.


Such authoritarian instincts were not a deviation but part of a pattern. The Nehru-Gandhi family, which held sway over Indian politics for over five decades, often treated the Constitution as pliable clay. In its first 60 years, India saw the Constitution amended 75 times, many of these under Congress rule. The tendency to tamper with foundational laws became almost habitual.


Even in the earliest years, democracy took a backseat to dynastic consolidation. Between 1947 and 1952, India had no elected government, just a transitional administration led by Jawaharlal Nehru, whose ascendancy to power was not via a popular mandate but party manoeuvring. The Rajya Sabha, the upper house of Parliament, did not exist until 1952. In 1951, a mere four years after Independence, Nehru pushed through an ordinance to curb freedom of expression and amend the Constitution, ignoring the warnings of President Rajendra Prasad, Acharya Kripalani and Jayaprakash Narayan.


This was not the vision of a guardian of democracy but the mindset of a ruler intent on shaping the nation in his own image. That image was inherited, expanded and deepened by his daughter.


In 1971, when the Supreme Court curbed executive overreach in the Golaknath and Kesavananda Bharati cases, the Congress government responded by altering the Constitution again - this time to strip the judiciary of its powers. Indira Gandhi declared that Parliament was supreme and courts had no say in constitutional amendments. The judiciary’s independence was thus systematically undermined.


Then came 1975. The Emergency was the darkest chapter in India’s post-independence history, not merely for the repression it imposed but for the precedent it set: that constitutional values could be subverted for personal survival.


But the saga did not end with Indira. Her son Rajiv Gandhi continued the trend in 1986 with the Shah Bano case. After the Supreme Court granted maintenance to a Muslim woman, his government nullified the ruling through legislation, a move driven purely by vote-bank calculations and religious appeasement.


Even in the 2000s, constitutional propriety remained optional. Manmohan Singh, during his tenure as Prime Minister, admitted that real power rested not with him, but with party president Sonia Gandhi. A shadow cabinet in the form of the National Advisory Council operated above the elected government as a parallel power centre unaccountable to the people.


The next generation carried the legacy forward. Rahul Gandhi, in a public press conference, tore up an ordinance passed by his own party’s cabinet. His party’s government in Karnataka introduced religion-based reservations despite the Constitution’s framers explicitly rejecting the idea. On the Uniform Civil Code, despite strong advocacy by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and repeated nudges by the Supreme Court, the Congress continues to oppose it, further eroding the constitutional consensus.


At Independence, Sardar Patel enjoyed the support of 12 of 15 state Congress committees as the preferred Prime Minister. Nehru had none. Yet it was Nehru who took the helm, chosen not by democratic consensus but by the will of Mahatma Gandhi. The pattern of dismissing internal democracy for familial succession was set in stone.


More recently, ahead of the 2024 general election, Rahul Gandhi travelled abroad and called for foreign intervention in India’s democracy, echoing the tone of global actors like George Soros who seek to influence sovereign affairs. If democracy is to be preserved, such appeals must be condemned and their motivations laid bare.


The Emergency is a mirror held up to contemporary politics. As India rises in stature and economic strength, the lessons of that dark period must guide its future. Ramdhari Singh Dinkar’s haunting line -“I am the old sentinel of a world whose path is damp with tears” - resonates still.


Remembering them is the duty of every citizen. Never again.


(The writer is a senior Patna-based journalist and political analyst)

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