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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

The Evolving QUAD: Cooperation Over Confrontation in the Indo-Pacific

Formed by four democracies after the 2004 tsunami, the QUAD has evolved from relief efforts to tackling shared challenges—from dialogue to delivery.

In an era of shifting power and competing global visions, few groupings capture the Indo-Pacific’s geopolitical pulse like the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD). Comprising India, Japan, Australia and the US, it serves as a vital forum for democracies committed to a free, open and rules-based region.


Born of a humanitarian crisis and revived amid growing strategic uncertainty, the QUAD now stands at a crossroads. Its move from informal talks to coordinated action shows maturity, but its future depends on turning shared ideals into lasting results.


The QUAD’s story began with the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, when the four nations coordinated relief efforts, paving the way for closer cooperation. In 2007, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe proposed an “Arc of Democracy”, leading to the first official QUAD dialogue. However, differing priorities and Chinese opposition soon stalled the initiative.


A decade later, China’s expanding influence and the Belt and Road Initiative revived interest in coordination. Reborn in 2017 as a forum for shared challenges rather than a military alliance, the QUAD has since widened its focus to infrastructure, supply chains, cyber resilience and vaccine distribution—evolving from dialogue to delivery.


Current landscape

Over time, the QUAD has built a steady rhythm of summits, ministerial meetings and working groups, reflecting growing maturity. The four nations have launched joint initiatives like the 2021 Vaccine Partnership to expand regional access during COVID-19. They also run working groups on climate and critical technologies, and maritime programmes to protect freedom of navigation.


These efforts show progress beyond rhetoric, though limits remain. Unlike NATO, the QUAD has no charter, treaty, or secretariat.Its informality allows flexibility but also reveals differing priorities. The US views it as part of its Indo-Pacific strategy, India values autonomy, Japan faces constitutional limits, and Australia balances security with economic ties to China.


The QUAD has recently expanded its agenda through naval drills like Malabar and new frameworks on disaster response and supply chain resilience. There is also discussion of a “Quad Plus” format involving partners such as South Korea and Vietnam. Yet leaders insist it is not an “Asian NATO” but a flexible coalition built on shared values and regional stability.


China factor

At the core of the QUAD’s evolution lies the question of China. China’s rapid military growth, economic assertiveness and aggressive posture in the South and East China Seas have raised regional concerns. Though the QUAD avoids framing itself as containment, its existence reflects a delicate balancing act. China sees it as an exclusive bloc, while members insist it is an inclusive, cooperative forum.


This tension defines the QUAD’s strategic tightrope—deterring aggression without provoking confrontation and building influence without causing division. Its ability to maintain this balance will determine both its relevance and the future of Indo-Pacific security.


The QUAD’s future lies at the crossroads of ambition and adaptability, with several paths ahead.


One likely direction is greater institutional coherence. A small secretariat could align priorities, ensure follow-through and strengthen communication. Deeper cooperation in defence technology, space security and critical minerals could also build trust.


Beyond security, the QUAD may broaden its focus to non-traditional challenges such as health, digital governance, climate resilience and sustainable infrastructure—offering visible benefits across the Indo-Pacific. By providing alternatives to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, it can position itself as a source of regional public goods rather than an exclusive bloc.


Another possibility is a “Quad Plus” framework, involving partners like South Korea, the Philippines, or Indonesia in specific projects. This flexible setup could deepen collaboration without the rigidity of expansion.


Each path, however, carries risks. Leadership changes could shift priorities, excessive military focus might alienate Southeast Asia, and domestic pressures could slow momentum. The task, then, is to build on success without losing flexibility—the QUAD’s key strength lies in its informality and agility. Preserving these while extending its influence will require careful balance.


Promise, pragmatism

The QUAD today is both a symbol and an experiment—four major democracies working to shape the Indo-Pacific through cooperation, not confrontation. Its strength lies in shared vision rather than formal structures, but its future depends on tangible outcomes: secure supply chains, digital links, sustainable infrastructure and resilient institutions.


Its success will be measured not by its stance on China but by its role in ensuring regional stability and prosperity. If it can balance strategy with development, the QUAD could redefine the Indo-Pacific order—not as an alliance of containment, but as a partnership of empowerment.


(The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

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