top of page

By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

The Forgotten Chapter: RSS In the Quit India Movement

It is often claimed by selective narratives that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) had no role in the Quit India Movement. However, events in Maharashtra demonstrate that many RSS volunteers, motivated by national loyalty, did participate both directly and indirectly. For years, Congress-leaning platforms and leftist historians have mainly credited Congress leaders, overlooking other revolutionaries.


A notable example comes from Vaduj in the Satara district, a key centre of resistance. Dr Shankar Ambike—Vaduj’s RSS branch leader and a respected doctor—made a significant but largely forgotten contribution. His involvement, along with that of other volunteers, challenges the claim that the RSS was absent from this phase of the freedom struggle.


In 1942, the Chale Jav (Quit India) movement swept across the country after Mahatma Gandhi’s call to “Quit India” and “Do or Die”. The agitation, which began in Mumbai, soon intensified in Satara. Resistance grew so strong that a parallel anti-British administration emerged under Krantisingh Nana Patil. Between 12 and 15 August, protests peaked across Satara. Demonstrations in Vaduj, Khatav, and Wai turned violent, and despite British crackdowns and arrests, the uprising continued with remarkable resolve.


Vaduj's battle

The Chale Jav movement in Vaduj, Satara district, began on 9 August 1942. Students, farmers, and freedom fighters gathered to protest against British rule, holding demonstrations, raising slogans, and issuing boycott calls.


British police tried to disperse the crowd, but people refused to retreat and continued shouting “Bharat Mata ki Jai” and “Chale Jav”. Lathi charges failed to break their resolve.


When the situation escalated, the police opened fire on 13 August. Several protesters were killed and many others seriously injured. During the firing, Dr Ambike, the RSS branch leader of Vaduj, bravely treated the wounded and was fined by the British for doing so. Because of the scale of the violence, Vaduj is remembered as the second Jallianwala Bagh in India’s freedom struggle.


British action

In 1942, the Chale Jav movement gained strong momentum in Vaduj, Satara district. People from Vaduj and nearby areas joined the protests, and the call of “Chale Jav – Quit India” quickly spread. Vaduj soon became a key centre of the movement.


One of its leading contributors was Dr Shankar Ambike, a respected doctor and committed patriot. He used his clinic to treat freedom fighters injured in British firing, despite pressure from the authorities. His family also participated — Ramchandra Ambike supported the movement alongside him.


Both were fined by the British government. Dr Ambike was externed from Satara for two months, and his clinic was temporarily shut. Ramchandra was detained for four months. Their names are now recorded in the Satara district’s official gazette of freedom fighters.


Start of RSS

During the Chale Jav Movement, the RSS operated as a nationalistic organisation similar to the Congress, though smaller in size. Even so, RSS volunteers actively joined the agitation—some participating openly, others helping underground freedom fighters.


RSS founder Dr Hedgewar visited Satara in 1932 and appointed Shri Ganesh Aaltikar of Karad as a branch leader and Shri Uddhav Dattatray Kulkarni as organiser. In 1935, Kashinathpant (Kaka Limaye) became the Western Maharashtra Provincial Leader. By then, RSS work had grown steadily in Satara. Many RSS volunteers took part in the movement. Uddhav Kulkarni of Wai joined the protests and was punished by the British; his name is listed in the Satara freedom fighters’ gazette. Vedmurti Shripad Satwalekar, the Aundh branch leader, also participated. He was later honoured by Shri Golwalkar Guruji and received the Padma Vibhushan in 1966. Dattopant Gokhale, the Wai branch leader, contributed to the movement as well.


People's doctor

Dr Shankar Ambike was a remarkable example of public service, courage, and patriotism. He is still remembered with pride in Satara’s freedom struggle, and his name appears in the official district register.


His work extended far beyond medical service. He helped organise society, promote national unity, and inspire people. As an RSS branch leader, he showed discipline, commitment, and strong organisational skills—qualities that earned him the titles “Vaduj’s Patriot Doctor” and “People’s Doctor”.


Even after independence, Dr Ambike remained active in social service. He dedicated his life to the nation and attained samadhi on 10 November 1993.


(The writer is a resident of Akola. Views personal.)

Comments

bottom of page