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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Govt assures swift UCC implementation

Mumbai: Maharashtra government unequivocally declared its commitment to implementing the Uniform Civil Code across the state, assuring the legislative assembly that a comprehensive legal framework is already in the advanced stages of formulation. Minister of State for Home Yogesh Kadam categorically stated on the floor of the House on Tuesday that the ruling Mahayuti administration is entirely positive about the swift introduction of the Uniform Civil Code to standardize personal laws. To...

Govt assures swift UCC implementation

Mumbai: Maharashtra government unequivocally declared its commitment to implementing the Uniform Civil Code across the state, assuring the legislative assembly that a comprehensive legal framework is already in the advanced stages of formulation. Minister of State for Home Yogesh Kadam categorically stated on the floor of the House on Tuesday that the ruling Mahayuti administration is entirely positive about the swift introduction of the Uniform Civil Code to standardize personal laws. To facilitate this monumental legislative transition, the state government has formally sanctioned the constitution of a dedicated expert committee, which is being spearheaded by a retired High Court judge. This committee has been entrusted with the critical responsibility of meticulously preparing the draft bill for the Uniform Civil Code, which the government intends to enact immediately upon the submission of the final report. Emphasising the overarching objectives of the proposed legislation, Kadam noted that the Uniform Civil Code would universally apply to every citizen irrespective of their religious affiliations and would explicitly incorporate a stringent ban on the controversial practice of polygamy. The minister drew direct parallels with the legislative measures recently adopted by states like Uttarakhand, underscoring that the impending law in Maharashtra would similarly entail severe penal consequences, potentially including imprisonment for up to seven years for violations related to polygamy and illegal divorce practices. He firmly maintained that the government’s approach is fundamentally secular, harboring no animosity toward any specific religion, but is rather driven by the constitutional imperative to extend equal rights, legal protection, and comprehensive justice to women from all communities. This definitive policy assurance from the government was catalysed by a highly volatile calling attention motion initiated by BJP legislator Devyani Farande, which thrust the deeply sensitive issues of triple talaq and polygamy into the center of the assembly’s monsoon session. Farande brought the ongoing plight of Muslim women to the immediate attention of the House, asserting that despite the central government’s strict legislative prohibition, the illegal practice of instant divorce continues to flourish unabated.

The Inconvenient Economist

Gita Gopinath tells India to look past tariffs and focus on the air it breathes but speaks from the IMF’s Olympian perch.

Gita Gopinath has the air of someone who expects to be listened to and usually is. Soft-spoken, rigorously precise and conspicuously unimpressed by political fashion, the IMF’s First Deputy Managing Director speaks less like a public intellectual than a judge reading out a finding. At Davos this week, she delivered one such verdict on India. Forget tariffs for now, she advised and worry about pollution instead.


Pollution, Gopinath warned, now sits at the heart of India’s growth problem. A 2022 World Bank study estimates that 1.7 million Indians (about 18 percent of all deaths) die each year due to pollution. The costs, she insisted, are not confined to environmentalists’ spreadsheets. Dirty air lowers labour productivity, raises healthcare spending and acts as a permanent drag on growth. Investors, too, notice. “If you are thinking of setting up operations in India and living there, the environment matters,” she said.


Gopinath is not an activist parachuted into economics, but a card-carrying member of the profession’s high priesthood. As the IMF’s former chief economist and now its second-in-command, she oversees surveillance, research and the Fund’s flagship publications. She helped steer the institution through the Covid-19 shock, co-authoring a widely cited ‘pandemic paper’ that set global vaccination targets and corralled the IMF, World Bank, WTO and WHO into an unusually coordinated response.


Her intellectual pedigree is impeccable. Educated and later ensconced at Harvard, with an earlier stint at Chicago Booth, she has spent two decades writing about exchange rates, capital flows, crises and monetary policy. Few economists of her generation have moved so seamlessly between the academy and the commanding heights of global policy.


And yet, therein lies the tension. When Gopinath urges India to treat pollution control as a “mission” alongside deregulation, she is surely right. India’s air is among the dirtiest in the world and its burgeoning cities routinely vanish under a grey pall each winter. But the sermon comes from a familiar pulpit. For many in emerging economies, the IMF’s prescriptions, however empirically sound, often feel like lectures delivered from glass towers, far removed from political constraint and social messiness.


The Fund has long been better at diagnosing problems than navigating democracies. It can quantify the productivity loss from polluted lungs with admirable precision. It is less adept at grappling with the electoral economy that sustains coal plants, diesel engines and construction dust. Advising India to prioritise pollution over tariffs is easy sitting in Davos but is harder to get done in Delhi, where growth and federal politics collide daily.


Gopinath herself is more nuanced than the institution she represents. Unlike some IMF grandees of the past, she does not pretend that technocratic fixes operate in a vacuum. During the pandemic, she argued for pragmatic departures from orthodoxy like fiscal expansion, coordinated action, even industrial policy-lite to fix vaccine bottlenecks. Her work on the Integrated Policy Framework acknowledges that emerging markets cannot simply float their currencies and hope for the best.


Still, the broader IMF worldview lingers in her prescriptions. Carbon taxes, tighter regulation and cleaner energy are presented as economic imperatives, not political battles. While that framing looks analytically tidy, it is also incomplete. India’s pollution crisis is bound up with urbanisation without planning, weak municipal governance and a political economy that rewards short-term fixes over long-term breathing space.


To be fair, Gopinath did not deny this complexity. By calling pollution a “mission,” she implicitly invoked the scale of effort required. Her warning that environmental damage creates “deeper and longer-lasting” harm than tariffs is a reminder that growth debates obsessed with trade skirmishes risk missing the bigger picture. The irony is that institutions like the IMF, which once badgered countries about deficits and deregulation, are now among the loudest voices urging attention to air, climate and health. Perhaps the IMF has learned, partly through crisis, that growth divorced from health and environment is illusory.


Gita Gopinath’s intervention in Davos captures both the strength and the limitation of this new posture. She is right to say that pollution is a bigger threat to India’s economy than tariffs. She is right to insist that environmental damage creates deeper and longer-lasting harm than trade skirmishes. But her warning also highlights the enduring gap between diagnosis and delivery.


While India would do well to heed such warnings, those issuing it also must remember that the hardest part of reform is not diagnosis, but politics on the ground, which is far below the Davos air.

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