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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated,...

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated, highlighting the dramatic turnaround. He revealed that from approximately 100 Maoist cadres on record in January 2024, the number has plummeted to barely 10 individuals whose movements are now confined to a very small pocket of the Bhamragad sub-division in South Gadchiroli, near the Chhattisgarh border. “North Gadchiroli is now free of Maoism. The Maoists have to surrender and join the mainstream or face police action... there is no other option.” The SP attributes this success to a meticulously executed multi-pronged strategy encompassing intensified anti-Maoist operations, a robust Civic Action Programme, and the effective utilisation of Maharashtra’s attractive surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. The Gadchiroli Police, especially the elite C-60 commandos, have achieved significant operational milestones. In the last three years alone, they have neutralised 43 hardcore Maoists and achieved a 100 per cent success rate in operations without police casualties for nearly five years. SP Neelotpal highlighted that the security forces have aggressively moved to close the “security vacuum,” which was once an estimated 3,000 square kilometres of unpoliced territory used by Maoists for training and transit. The establishment of eight new police camps/Forward Operating Bases (FoBs) since January 2023, including in the remote Abujhmad foothills, has been crucial in securing these areas permanently. Winning Hearts, Minds The Civic Action Programme has been deemed a “game changer” by the SP. Through schemes like ‘Police Dadalora Khidaki’ and ‘Project Udaan’, the police have transformed remote outposts into service delivery centres, providing essential government services and employment opportunities. This sustained outreach has successfully countered Maoist propaganda and, most critically, resulted in zero Maoist recruitment from Gadchiroli for the last few years. Surrender Wave The state’s progressive rehabilitation policy has seen a massive influx of surrenders. “One sentiment is common among all the surrendered cadres: that the movement has ended, it has lost public support, and without public support, no movement can sustain,” the SP noted. The surrender of key figures, notably that of Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias ‘Bhupathi,’ a CPI (Maoist) Politburo member, and his wife Sangeeta, was a “landmark development” that triggered a surrender wave. Since June 2024, over 126 Maoists have surrendered. The rehabilitation program offers land, housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, and employment. Surrendered cadres are receiving skill training and are successfully transitioning into normal life, with around 70 already employed in the local Lloyds plant. A District Reborn The transformation of Gadchiroli is now moving beyond security concerns. With the decline of extremism, the district is rapidly moving towards development and normalcy. The implementation of development schemes, round-the-clock electricity, water supply, mobile towers, and new infrastructure like roads and bridges is being given top priority. He concludes that the police’s focus is now shifting from an anti-Maoist offensive to routine law-and-order policing, addressing new challenges like industrialisation, theft, and traffic management. With the Maoist movement in “complete disarray” and major strongholds like the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) Special Zone collapsing, the SP is highly optimistic. Gadchiroli is not just getting rid of the Naxal menace; it is embracing its future as a developing, peaceful district, well on track to meet the central government’s goal of eradicating Naxalism by March 31, 2026.

The Indus Waters Treaty: A Rare Constant in a Tumultuous Relationship

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

The Indus Waters Treaty: A Rare Constant in a Tumultuous Relationship

In a region fraught with historical enmities and enduring tensions, the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) stands out as a rare beacon of cooperation between India and Pakistan. Signed on September 19, 1960, the treaty has weathered more than six decades of wars, conflicts, and cross-border skirmishes, maintaining a crucial role in fostering a fragile peace between the two nuclear-armed neighbours. As the agreement marks its 64th anniversary, its significance in shaping Indo-Pakistan relations remains as vital as ever.

The roots of the treaty lie in the chaotic aftermath of the partition of British India in 1947, which not only split territories but also divided the vast and interconnected Indus River basin. Comprising six rivers—the Indus, Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej—the basin was critical to the agriculture-dependent economies of both nations. The partition turned what had once been a shared resource into a potential flashpoint for conflict, as disputes over water rights quickly escalated amid broader tensions between the newly formed countries.

In addition to grappling with territorial disputes like those over Kashmir and Hyderabad, and the challenges of managing a massive exchange of refugees, both India and Pakistan faced the daunting task of redefining the management of shared resources in the context of their newfound sovereignty. For India, which rejected the two-nation theory that underpinned Pakistan’s creation, the management of these shared resources was a complex issue of national interest, while for Pakistan, securing water from the upper riparian state became a matter of survival.

The negotiations over the Indus River system unfolded against the larger backdrop of Cold War politics. While India pursued a policy of Non-Alignment - eschewing formal alliances with either the American or Soviet blocs - it was nevertheless deeply aware of the geopolitical realities of the era. Non-Alignment for India meant actively opposing colonialism, imperialism, and racism, while striving to carve out an independent path that did not succumb to the pressures of superpower rivalry.

After nearly a decade of negotiations facilitated by the World Bank, the Indus Waters Treaty was finally signed by Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Pakistani President Ayub Khan, and W.A.B. Iliff, the World Bank’s Vice President. The treaty divided the waters of the Indus basin: the three eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej) were allocated to India, while the western rivers (Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab) were designated for Pakistan. To mitigate potential future conflicts, India agreed to provide financial compensation for the development of irrigation systems in Pakistan, demonstrating a rare moment of goodwill in an otherwise adversarial relationship. Agriculture being the backbone for both these economies, the Indus River basin was vital for both the economies of the newly-born nations.

The IWT is widely regarded as one of the most successful water-sharing agreements in history. Its resilience lies in its clear guidelines and the establishment of the Permanent Indus Commission, which oversees the treaty’s implementation and provides a platform for dialogue and dispute resolution. This institutional framework has allowed India and Pakistan to manage their shared water resources without letting disputes escalate into larger conflicts, a remarkable achievement given the broader volatility of their bilateral relations.

For Pakistan, the western rivers are a lifeline, supporting its largely agrarian economy and ensuring food security. The treaty guarantees Pakistan a steady supply of water, which is crucial for its economic stability. For India, control over the eastern rivers has been instrumental in the agricultural development of Punjab, contributing significantly to the country’s Green Revolution. The economic benefits derived from the treaty have, in turn, reinforced its importance for both nations, making it a rare constant in their otherwise fraught relationship.

Despite its success, the IWT faces growing challenges. Climate change, rapid population growth, and increasing demand for water are putting immense pressure on the Indus River system. Both India and Pakistan are grappling with water scarcity, and the treaty’s provisions are increasingly being tested by these evolving dynamics. Political rhetoric around the treaty has also intensified in recent years, with some in India calling for a re-evaluation of the agreement in response to cross-border terrorism from Pakistan. In Pakistan, concerns about India’s construction of dams on the western rivers have fueled fears of reduced water flow, leading to calls for international mediation.

The future of the IWT may therefore depend on the ability of both countries to manage these challenges collaboratively with its legacy of resilience and cooperation, offering a path forward in a complex and often volatile relationship.

(The writer is an educationalist based in Mumbai. Views personal.)

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