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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gen Z revolt leaves Modi govt scrambling

Mumbai: The recent CJP agitation at Jantar Mantar, amplified by a ferocious wave of social media backlash, has achieved what years of fragmented opposition politics could not: it has visibly shaken the highest echelons of the Narendra Modi government. For the first time in over a decade, the seemingly impenetrable fortress managed by Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah appears vulnerable. Driven by a Gen Z demographic that refuses to play by traditional political rules, the...

Gen Z revolt leaves Modi govt scrambling

Mumbai: The recent CJP agitation at Jantar Mantar, amplified by a ferocious wave of social media backlash, has achieved what years of fragmented opposition politics could not: it has visibly shaken the highest echelons of the Narendra Modi government. For the first time in over a decade, the seemingly impenetrable fortress managed by Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah appears vulnerable. Driven by a Gen Z demographic that refuses to play by traditional political rules, the movement has made the ruling dispensation’s meticulously crafted narrative look starkly outdated. The scale and intensity of the public unrest have triggered alarm bells, prompting the government to take unprecedented corrective measures. In a remarkable departure from its usual top-down approach, the Union government has officially deputed Officers on Special Duty (OSDs) to execute a massive ground-level feedback-gathering exercise. Insiders reveal that this crisis management strategy operates on multiple tiers. The government is actively seeking counsel from technology experts and content analysts to decipher exactly what went wrong and to understand the strategic advantages of the digital content generated by CJP supporters. These grassroots digital campaigns brought about a drastic, organic shift in public expression that caught the administration entirely off guard. Furthermore, officials are engaging in candid dialogues with independent, well-meaning individuals tasked with holding a mirror to the administration's failures. Professionals entrusted with coordinating these meetings admit the outcome remains uncertain, but the sheer scale of outreach marks a watershed moment for a government usually insulated from external critique. The political vacuum created by this unrest has been masterfully exploited by the opposition. Capitalizing on the opening created by the CJP protests and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, Rahul Gandhi has seized the political advantage. By deploying an emotional narrative—particularly regarding the use of pellet guns—Gandhi has effectively targeted Amit Shah, leaving the Prime Minister cornered. The optics in Parliament have been equally jarring for the ruling party. For the first time in twelve years, fumbling, elderly figures within the BJP found themselves outmatched by the scathing, articulate assaults from Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi. Armed with quick wit, finesse, and an undeniable superiority in content, the Congress leadership is dictating the terms of the debate, forcing the BJP onto the defensive. This sudden vulnerability has blown the lid off simmering discontent within the ruling party. Insiders are now openly arguing that the hyper-centralization of power by Modi and Shah is fundamentally flawed. The strategy of installing dependent "yes-men"—leaders who shine merely in borrowed light—in key state positions is backfiring spectacularly. While this iron-fisted strategy yields dividends during favourable times, the current crisis proves that an artificially sustained leadership cannot withstand a genuine storm. Many within the party lament the sidelining of softer, grassroots-connected leaders like Shivraj Singh Chouhan. A leader of Chouhan's calibre, possessing natural empathy and a deep understanding of the masses, could have offered a sympathetic and appealing rebuttal, contrasting sharply with the shallow, dry rhetoric currently being peddled by the party's younger, yet out-of-touch, defenders. The immediate consensus is that the party desperately needs to replace its aging heavyweights with articulate voices who can genuinely connect with an evolving electorate. Perhaps the most shocking revelation from the fallout is the catastrophic failure of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) legendary feedback and feed-forward mechanism. For decades, the RSS has served as the eyes and ears of BJP governments, but this time, the machinery completely failed to gauge the scale of the impending unrest. According to senior insiders, the root cause lies in a deep-seated rot within the RSS itself. As the organization celebrates its centenary year, it is grappling with an internal crisis. Unlike previous BJP regimes where the political arm bore the exclusive brunt of corruption allegations, the malaise has now reportedly crept into the highest echelons of the RSS leadership. This unprecedented internal decay has severed the organization's vital connection to the ground, leaving the BJP flying blind during a crucial socio-political upheaval.Despite the prevailing anxiety within the corridors of power, the newly initiated feedback-gathering exercise is being hailed as a much-needed course correction by veteran leaders within both the party and the RSS. Long-sidelined stalwarts view this desperate measure as a vindication of their long-held grievances against the centralized high command. While the designated OSDs and professionals remain cautiously optimistic about the immediate impact of their data-gathering, these old-guard insiders sense a rare opportunity. They believe that confronting the unvarnished truth from the ground might finally force a complete and necessary overhaul of the Parivar organizations, dismantling the fragile, sycophantic structures currently in place and returning the party to its grassroots origins.

The Institution That Shaped Modern Indian Science

A journey from Mahendra Lal Sircar's vision to global scientific excellence.

The year 2026 marks the sesquicentennial of the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science (IACS), Kolkata, the oldest institution in India devoted exclusively to fundamental scientific research. Founded on 29 July 1876 by the visionary physician and educationist Dr Mahendra Lal Sircar, IACS emerged when India lacked institutions dedicated to experimental science. Convinced that scientific inquiry was indispensable for national progress, Sircar established an institution to nurture original research by Indians while promoting scientific knowledge among the public. One hundred and fifty years later, IACS remains one of India's foremost research institutions, its history closely intertwined with the evolution of modern science in the country.


The genesis of IACS reflected the intellectual ferment of the Bengal Renaissance. Trained in Western medicine yet deeply committed to India's intellectual emancipation, Sircar argued that science should be cultivated through experimentation and discovery rather than merely imported through textbooks. Inspired by institutions such as the Royal Institution of Great Britain, he envisioned a publicly supported national laboratory where Indians could pursue independent scientific research. At a time when such opportunities were scarce under colonial rule, IACS became the country's first permanent home for fundamental scientific investigation.


During its early decades, the Association combined public lectures and scientific demonstrations with laboratory research, fostering an interdisciplinary culture spanning physics, chemistry and the natural sciences. Though modest in resources, it established an enduring tradition of curiosity-driven research.


The defining chapter in IACS history began with the arrival of Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman in 1907. While serving in the Indian Finance Department, Raman spent his evenings and holidays conducting experiments at IACS on acoustics, optics and the scattering of light. On 28 February 1928, he and his collaborators announced the discovery of the inelastic scattering of light by molecules—the Raman Effect—creating a powerful spectroscopic technique that transformed the study of molecular structure.


Today, Raman spectroscopy is indispensable across chemistry, materials science, biology, medicine, pharmaceuticals, environmental monitoring and planetary exploration. For this achievement, Raman received the 1930 Nobel Prize in Physics, becoming the first Asian to win a Nobel Prize in the sciences for work conducted entirely in India. His success demonstrated that world-class scientific research could emerge from Indian laboratories.


Yet IACS's scientific legacy extends far beyond Raman. Kedareswar Banerjee advanced crystallographic research through pioneering X-ray crystallography, while Satyendra Nath Bose's association with IACS enriched the intellectual environment that fostered advances in quantum physics. Meghnad Saha's theory of thermal ionisation transformed astrophysics, and together Raman, Bose and Saha established Kolkata as one of Asia's leading scientific centres.


The institution also made major contributions to chemistry through Jnan Chandra Ghosh, whose work in physical chemistry laid foundations for modern chemical research in India. Following Independence, IACS expanded into chemical sciences, materials science, biological sciences and theoretical physics, reflecting the increasingly interdisciplinary nature of scientific inquiry.


Among its distinguished scientists was Asima Chatterjee, whose pioneering research on natural products chemistry and medicinal plant alkaloids transformed phytochemistry and contributed significantly to pharmaceutical science. Ajoy Ghatak further strengthened IACS's reputation through his work in fibre optics, waveguides and laser physics, while his textbooks educated generations of physicists and engineers. More recently, IACS researchers have advanced ultrafast spectroscopy, nanomaterials, renewable energy, molecular electronics, quantum materials and computational biology.


Today, IACS functions as a deemed-to-be university under the Department of Science and Technology, Government of India. Its interdisciplinary research spans the chemical, physical and biological sciences, supported by advanced facilities in spectroscopy, microscopy, X-ray diffraction, electron microscopy, computational modelling and materials characterisation. Its doctoral and postdoctoral programmes continue to produce scientists who contribute to universities, research laboratories and industry worldwide.


The institution's enduring strength lies in its commitment to curiosity-driven research. Unlike organisations established primarily for technological development or industrial applications, IACS has consistently recognised that transformative innovation begins with fundamental scientific understanding. This philosophy, articulated by Mahendra Lal Sircar nearly 150 years ago, remains especially relevant in an era defined by quantum technologies, artificial intelligence, sustainable energy and molecular medicine.


The sesquicentennial of IACS celebrates not only a remarkable institution but also the evolution of Indian science. From its modest beginnings in colonial Calcutta to its emergence as an internationally respected research institution, IACS has nurtured Nobel laureates, pioneering physicists, eminent chemists and generations of young researchers who continue to expand the frontiers of knowledge.


As IACS enters its second century and a half, it carries forward Mahendra Lal Sircar's vision that science should be pursued with intellectual freedom, experimental rigour and an unwavering commitment to the advancement of humanity. Its 150-year legacy remains a powerful reminder that the greatest scientific discoveries begin with curiosity and flourish in institutions dedicated to excellence.


(The writer is the Chief Executive for National Centre for Science Communicators, Mumbai. Views personal.)

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