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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 9:20:26 am

Rajesh Kshirsagar walks into a political trap

The Shiv Sena MLA has chosen confrontation over the Shaktipeeth Expressway risking political isolation Kolhapur: Shiv Sena MLA Rajesh Kshirsagar’s aggressive support to the proposed Shaktipeeth Expressway has brought him face-to-face with former MP Raju Shetti. But the political fallout has not stopped there. In quick succession, he has taken on Congress leader Satej Patil, questioned the position of fellow Mahayuti legislator Chandradip Narake and criticised his own party colleague, Public...

Rajesh Kshirsagar walks into a political trap

The Shiv Sena MLA has chosen confrontation over the Shaktipeeth Expressway risking political isolation Kolhapur: Shiv Sena MLA Rajesh Kshirsagar’s aggressive support to the proposed Shaktipeeth Expressway has brought him face-to-face with former MP Raju Shetti. But the political fallout has not stopped there. In quick succession, he has taken on Congress leader Satej Patil, questioned the position of fellow Mahayuti legislator Chandradip Narake and criticised his own party colleague, Public Health Minister and Kolhapur Guardian Minister Prakash Abitkar. That is a lot of political fronts for one MLA to manage simultaneously. The immediate question, therefore, is not whether Kshirsagar has the courage to fight. He clearly does. The more important question is whether he has calculated the political cost of fighting everyone at once. The Shaktipeeth Expressway has become one of the most contentious political issues in Kolhapur district. Raju Shetti has turned the proposed acquisition of agricultural land into a farmers’ rights issue and has built a sustained campaign around it. His politics has always thrived on confrontation. His rise from the sugarcane farmers’ movement to the Assembly and then the Lok Sabha was built on his ability to convert farmers’ grievances into political mobilisation. Kshirsagar has now chosen to meet that politics head-on. His controversial warning against Shetti, in response to the latter’s aggressive rhetoric on land acquisition, transformed a policy disagreement into a personal political duel. Supporters of both sides have since taken the confrontation to the streets. This is precisely where political calculation becomes important. Supporting a flagship project backed by the Chief Minister can certainly send a message to the leadership in Mumbai. Kshirsagar is willing to stand by the government when the going gets difficult. But the same position can create political liabilities at home, particularly when the project affects constituencies where local MLAs are under pressure from farmers. Different Question Kshirsagar’s decision to attack Satej Patil raises a different question. Patil remains one of the most influential political figures in Kolhapur. Suggesting that he may struggle to win the next Assembly election is not routine political criticism. It is an open challenge. That challenge may energise Kshirsagar’s supporters. It may also consolidate his position among those within the ruling establishment who see Patil as a principal political adversary. But there is a danger in confusing political visibility with political strength. Every additional opponent creates another front that has to be managed during an election. And Kshirsagar has already opened several. The most politically revealing part of Kshirsagar’s criticism of Chandradip Narake and Prakash Abitkar. Narake represents a constituency through which the Shaktipeeth project passes. His opposition, therefore, has an obvious electoral logic: he has to respond to the concerns of his voters. Kshirsagar’s criticism of Narake puts him in a difficult position. He is effectively asking another ruling-party MLA to subordinate constituency politics to the government’s larger project. Then came the attack on Abitkar. To publicly accuse the party’s Kolhapur Guardian Minister of failing to strengthen the organisation amounts to washing the party’s dirty linen in public. Ministerial Ambition There is another possible explanation for Kshirsagar’s increasingly combative posture: the unresolved question of ministerial ambition. A three-time MLA would naturally expect that electoral experience and political seniority might eventually translate into a Cabinet berth. Instead, when the opportunity came, Eknath Shinde chose Prakash Abitkar and gave him an important Cabinet portfolio. Kshirsagar was left outside the ministry. His present position on the State Planning Board gives him a role, but it is not the same political currency as a Cabinet berth. It would be simplistic to suggest that every recent statement is merely an expression of that disappointment. But it would be equally naïve to ignore the possibility that political frustration has influenced his increasingly assertive posture. The Shaktipeeth issue may simply have provided the trigger. Kshirsagar should also be looking closely at the arithmetic of Kolhapur North. The constituency has a history of surprising political outcomes. Its old-city peth culture is blunt, politically conscious and capable of producing results that defy conventional calculations. The last Assembly election demonstrated this dramatically. Madhurimaraje Chhatrapati’s withdrawal as the Congress candidate left the Opposition scrambling just weeks before polling. Satej Patil then backed municipal corporator Rajesh Latkar, who entered the contest with barely 15 days to campaign. Yet Latkar secured nearly 81,000 votes. Kshirsagar won by around 23,000 votes, but the number that should concern his camp is not merely his winning margin.

The Jantar Mantar Protest: Who’s Really in the Crowd?

Are these protests still about NEET aspirants—or have they evolved into a broader political movement?

Every few months, Jantar Mantar becomes the centre of yet another protest. This time, it’s a CJP-led demonstration centred around NEET and demands for education reforms. But if you spend some time there, a question naturally comes to mind: is this really a student protest anymore?


Most genuine NEET aspirants are either preparing for their exams, waiting for counselling, or focused on securing admissions. It seems unlikely that many of them would have the time to remain at a protest site for days or weeks. For most students, this is a crucial period that demands their complete attention. Admission decisions can shape the course of their academic and professional lives. Instead, many observers have pointed to a crowd that appears noticeably older than the students the movement claims to represent. That, in turn, raises questions about who is sustaining the demonstrations on a day-to-day basis. It also prompts a debate over whether the composition of the crowd reflects the movement's stated objective.


Another aspect that raises questions is how the messaging often evolves. What begins as a protest over NEET and examination reforms sometimes expands to include issues that appear unrelated to the original cause. These include Article 370, LGBTQ rights, demands surrounding Umar Khalid’s release, or broader political slogans. Such shifts naturally lead people to ask whether the protest has remained focused on students’ concerns. Or has it become a platform for a much wider political agenda? For many outside observers, the transition from a single-issue campaign to a broader collection of political demands makes it harder to identify the movement's central objective.


There have also been reports and social media videos alleging the use of slogans that go beyond the stated objective of education reform. These include calls involving Parliament and references to developments in Nepal. While I have not independently verified these claims, they deserve careful scrutiny if they are found to be accurate. Serious allegations should be investigated rather than accepted or dismissed without evidence. Equally, if such claims are found to be misleading or taken out of context, that too should be established through proper verification rather than speculation.


For many people, this pattern feels familiar. Similar activist networks have been visible during the Shaheen Bagh protests, the farm law agitation, and demonstrations linked to JNU. Whether one describes them as seasoned activists, organised advocacy groups, or "andolanjeevis", the perception is that the same organisational machinery often appears across multiple movements, irrespective of the original issue. That perception, whether accurate or not, has become part of the wider public debate surrounding many large-scale demonstrations in recent years.


Ultimately, the real concerns of NEET aspirants deserve focused attention. Improving the integrity of examinations, ensuring transparency, and building trust in the admissions process should remain the priority. If a protest intended to highlight those issues gradually shifts towards broader political causes, it risks diluting the very objective it set out to achieve. The effectiveness of any movement often depends on maintaining clarity of purpose. It also depends on ensuring that its original stakeholders remain at the centre of the conversation.


The question, therefore, is not whether people have the right to protest—they absolutely do. The real question is whether the movement continues to represent the interests of students or whether those interests have become secondary to a larger political narrative.


(The writer is an IT professional based in Thane. Views personal.)

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