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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law...

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law within the framework of safeguarding India’s pluralistic and democratic character. The AIMPLB leaders said they are soliciting support of people, intellectuals, activists, social and religious organisations who value justice, democracy, peace and the Constitution, to strengthen constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, justice and equality, religious freedom, social harmony and national unity. Around 100 progressive Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals, activists, organisations and supporters have warned that what the AIMPLB presents as a defence of constitutional rights, religious freedom and Muslim identity "could deepen divisions, and may provide political ammunition to right-wing forces". The progressive have accused AIMPLB of selectively invoking Art. 25-30 of the Constitution related to Religious Freedom, while ignoring that these rights are explicitly subject to public order, morality, and health. Moreover, they conveniently bypass Articles 14 and 15, which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit sex or religion-based discrimination. “Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections where civil society and opposition parties rallied under 'Save the Constitution', the AIMPLB's campaign inadvertently gave the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar a platform to posture as defenders of constitutional norms. Ahead of crucial state assembly elections, this campaign reinforces false narratives and fuels propaganda that Indian Muslims reject the law of the land,” said the intellectuals. They pointed out how the so-called ‘God-given Shariat Law’ in India is nothing but man-made personal laws and ‘male interpreted patriarchal interpretations’, defended by the AIMPLB. In its September 2016 Supreme Court affidavit in the Triple Talaq case (Sayara Bano v/s. Union of India), the AIMPLB’s affidavit claimed divorce rights belong primarily to husbands because men allegedly possess ‘greater power of decision-making’ and ‘control emotions’. It even argued that without a quick separation option, a husband ‘may resort to illegal, criminal ways of murdering or burning her alive’ - a disturbing rationalization of domestic violence. Claiming these laws are divine, the AIMPLB admitted that “India is a patriarchal society, and therefore personal laws of all communities are aligned with the patriarchal notion...” The progressives countered that Muslim-majority nations globally including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tunisia and Morocco have codified and reformed personal laws to protect women's rights. “Millions of Muslims live in secular democratic nations with uniform family codes without putting ‘Islam in danger’. The Muslim community’s current legal predicament in India is the direct result of the AIMPLB and conservative leaders failing to proactively reform and codify Muslim Personal Law,” said the progressives sharply. They said that genuine family law reform must guarantee Muslim women equal rights regarding minimum marriage age, abolition of polygamy, mutual divorce, equal inheritance, child custody, adoption, and a ban on female genital mutilation and halala. While secular political parties rarely support the rights of Muslim women, the BJP and the Hindu Right wing do so with an obvious motive: ‘communal polarization’, said the progressives. “The sangh parivar sheds crocodile tears for Muslim women while ignoring relentless hate speech (Love Jihad, Land Jihad…) and hate crimes like mob lynching, bulldozing homes, demolishing mosques or economic boycotts, with chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to intimidate and strike fear. This accompanies state actions targeting Muslims: Waqf Amendment Act, draconian anti-conversion laws, and a weaponised SIR (Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls) to disenfranchise vast sections of the electorate,” they averred. The progressives have sought the active involvement of all enlightened forces, civil society organisations and secular political parties to ensure that the demand for a gender-just, religion-neutral Uniform Civil Code is rooted in equality and human rights, rather than weaponized for communal division. Among the signatories to the appeal are: Naseeruddin Shah, Amol Palekar, Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Anand Patwardhan, Sultan Shaheen, Teesta Setalvad, Ram Puniyani, Tushar Gandhi, Mallika Sarabhai, Ratna Pathak, Feroze Mithiborwala, Anita Cheria, Zakia Soman, Jyothi Yedulla, Noorjehan S. Niaz, Madhu Bhaduri, et al.

The Mahayuti’s Winter of Discontent

Jan 25, 2025
4 min read

Updated: Jan 27, 2025

Despite an overwhelming mandate in the Assembly polls, cracks are showing in the Mahayuti’sarmour as it grapples with law-and-order challenges.

Mahayuti

Despite registering an emphatic win in the Assembly polls last year, the Devendra Fadnavis-led Mahayuti government is reckoning with a series of challenges that is testing its credibility and the faith of its constituents. While sympathizers might dismiss criticism as unwarranted, the gravity of recent events demands a sober, unflinching analysis.


At the heart of this maelstrom is the state’s deteriorating law-and-order situation. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the dominant force in the ruling coalition, is at the centre of this storm. The gruesome murder of Massajog Sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh in Beed; the custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi in Parbhani; the judicial inquiry implicating police officers in Akshay Shinde’s alleged fake encounter; and the unsettling attack on actor Saif Ali Khan by an illegal immigrant—all paint a troubling picture. Responsibility for these events ultimately rests on the shoulders of Chief Minister Fadnavis, who also oversees the Home Department.


Each of these incidents reveals cracks in the government’s governance. Consider the case of Santosh Deshmukh, who had reportedly alerted authorities to threats against his life. His pleas went unheeded, culminating in his tragic murder - a grim indictment of administrative apathy. Media reports hint at links between those implicated in the crime and NCP Minister Dhananjay Munde, raising uncomfortable questions about accountability and political patronage. Fadnavis’s reluctance to demand the resignation of Munde, a key member of an allied party, has sparked criticism, with many wondering whether a more decisive stance could have pre-empted the public outrage that followed.


Critics may argue that ministers, like any citizen, deserve the presumption of innocence until proven guilty. Yet, a minister under suspicion can undermine the machinery of governance, hindering law enforcement’s ability to act without fear or favour. In such circumstances, political prudence often demands swift action, even at the cost of short-term discomfort within the coalition.


Similarly, the death of Somnath Suryawanshi in judicial custody has cast a long shadow over the state’s justice system. Such incidents not only erode public trust but also provide fodder for opposition parties eager to exploit any misstep. A march demanding justice for Deshmukh and Suryawanshi, set to culminate in Mumbai on January 25, could have been avoided with timely intervention. That it wasn’t speaks to an inability or unwillingness to act with urgency when lives and reputations are at stake.


Even more damning is the case of Akshay Shinde, a convicted child abuser who died under suspicious circumstances in what has been labelled a fake encounter. The judiciary, not the police, is entrusted with determining guilt and administering justice. When law enforcement oversteps its bounds, it undermines the very foundations of democracy. That this occurred during Eknath Shinde’s tenure as Chief Minister does little to absolve Fadnavis, who, as Home Minister, bears equal responsibility.


The attack on Saif Ali Khan by a Bangladeshi national, MohommedShariful Islam Shehzad, adds to the Mahayuti’s poor law-and-order record. For years, the BJP has railed against illegal immigration from Bangladesh, portraying it as a grave threat to national security. Yet, despite wielding power both at the state and central levels for over a decade, the issue remains unresolved. This failure to translate rhetoric into action has left the party vulnerable to charges of hypocrisy and incompetence.


Taken together, these incidents reflect a government struggling to balance competing priorities while maintaining its credibility. The BJP’s reputation as a party of action and accountability is under threat, and the blame, fairly or otherwise, is increasingly directed at Fadnavis. His critics ask: why has he hesitated to take bold, decisive steps that could stem the tide of discontent? Why has he allowed his administration to appear reactive rather than proactive?


To restore public confidence, the government must prioritize transparency and communication. People want to know that their leaders are aware of their concerns and are working diligently to address them. Secondly, law enforcement must be empowered to act impartially, free from political interference. Cases like Deshmukh’s and Shinde’s demand not just investigations but also systemic reforms to prevent recurrences. Finally, the administration must deliver on its long-standing promise to tackle illegal immigration, not merely as a political talking point but as a tangible policy goal.


Fadnavis, a seasoned politician with a reputation for strategic acumen, must recognize the stakes. These are not merely administrative lapses but existential threats to his government’s authority. In addressing them, he has a chance to not only salvage his administration’s reputation but also set a benchmark for governance in one of India’s most influential states.


The road ahead is fraught with challenges, but the solutions are within reach. By demonstrating a commitment to justice, accountability, and effective governance, the Mahayuti Government can turn this crisis into an opportunity. The public’s patience is not infinite, but it is resilient. It awaits a leader who will rise to the occasion, not with platitudes but with purpose.


For Fadnavis and his government, the question is no longer whether they can weather this storm. The question is whether they can emerge from it stronger, more resolute and better prepared to lead Maharashtra into a future free from the shadows of its current woes.


(The author is a political observer. Views personal.)

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