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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 9:20:26 am

Centre pushes for early sugarcane crushing

Mills seek special subsidy Kolhapur: Despite an estimated 30-40 lakh tonnes of sugar being available in excess of domestic demand, the Centre is stepping up efforts to keep sugar prices under control. The Union Food Ministry has urged Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka to advance the 2026-27 sugarcane crushing season so that fresh sugar reaches the market before the existing stock is exhausted. Sugar mills, however, say an early start will come at a cost. They are seeking special...

Centre pushes for early sugarcane crushing

Mills seek special subsidy Kolhapur: Despite an estimated 30-40 lakh tonnes of sugar being available in excess of domestic demand, the Centre is stepping up efforts to keep sugar prices under control. The Union Food Ministry has urged Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka to advance the 2026-27 sugarcane crushing season so that fresh sugar reaches the market before the existing stock is exhausted. Sugar mills, however, say an early start will come at a cost. They are seeking special financial assistance to compensate for the likely fall in sugar recovery and the reduction in cane weight that could result from crushing in October. India produced around 280 lakh tonnes of sugar last season. The season began with stocks of nearly 50 lakh tonnes, while annual domestic consumption is estimated at around 280 lakh tonnes. With about 35 lakh tonnes expected to remain in stock by September 30, the Centre wants the new season’s production to start flowing into the market without waiting for the traditional crushing cycle. Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka account for nearly 80 per cent of India’s sugar production. The Union Food Ministry has therefore written to the chief ministers of the three states, asking them to bring forward the start of the 2026-27 crushing season. The push comes against the backdrop of a sharp movement in sugar prices. Ex-mill prices had earlier climbed to around Rs 68 per kg, pushing retail prices close to Rs 80 per kg. Following a series of measures by the Centre, ex-mill prices have since declined to around Rs 41 per kg. Yet, the government is looking at further measures to bring prices down and ensure that stocks move into the market. One such measure has been the approval of imports of one million tonnes of raw sugar. Since initial applications covered only around eight lakh tonnes, the Centre has invited applications for the remaining quota. It has also reduced the permissible stockholding limit for traders from 400 tonnes to 200 tonnes. The next major point of discussion will be the meeting convened by Union Food and Public Distribution Secretary Sanjeev Chopra with the sugar industry in New Delhi on September 8. The secretaries of Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have also been invited. West Indian Sugar Mills Association (WISMA) president B. B. Thombre said the Centre was pushing for crushing to begin around the middle of October. Traditionally, most mills in Maharashtra begin operations around November 15, largely because sugarcane harvesting labour becomes available only after Diwali. The industry is, however, willing to explore an early start between October 20 and 25. But early crushing could have significant implications. According to Thombre, sugar recovery could fall by around 1.5 percentage points, while the weight of sugarcane supplied by farmers could decline by 10-15 per cent. The industry will therefore seek special assistance for cane crushed between October 15 and November 15. At the September 8 meeting, it plans to demand a subsidy of Rs 500 per tonne for sugar mills and Rs 300 per tonne directly for sugarcane farmers.

The Mahayuti’s Winter of Discontent

Updated: Jan 27, 2025

Despite an overwhelming mandate in the Assembly polls, cracks are showing in the Mahayuti’sarmour as it grapples with law-and-order challenges.

Mahayuti

Despite registering an emphatic win in the Assembly polls last year, the Devendra Fadnavis-led Mahayuti government is reckoning with a series of challenges that is testing its credibility and the faith of its constituents. While sympathizers might dismiss criticism as unwarranted, the gravity of recent events demands a sober, unflinching analysis.


At the heart of this maelstrom is the state’s deteriorating law-and-order situation. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the dominant force in the ruling coalition, is at the centre of this storm. The gruesome murder of Massajog Sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh in Beed; the custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi in Parbhani; the judicial inquiry implicating police officers in Akshay Shinde’s alleged fake encounter; and the unsettling attack on actor Saif Ali Khan by an illegal immigrant—all paint a troubling picture. Responsibility for these events ultimately rests on the shoulders of Chief Minister Fadnavis, who also oversees the Home Department.


Each of these incidents reveals cracks in the government’s governance. Consider the case of Santosh Deshmukh, who had reportedly alerted authorities to threats against his life. His pleas went unheeded, culminating in his tragic murder - a grim indictment of administrative apathy. Media reports hint at links between those implicated in the crime and NCP Minister Dhananjay Munde, raising uncomfortable questions about accountability and political patronage. Fadnavis’s reluctance to demand the resignation of Munde, a key member of an allied party, has sparked criticism, with many wondering whether a more decisive stance could have pre-empted the public outrage that followed.


Critics may argue that ministers, like any citizen, deserve the presumption of innocence until proven guilty. Yet, a minister under suspicion can undermine the machinery of governance, hindering law enforcement’s ability to act without fear or favour. In such circumstances, political prudence often demands swift action, even at the cost of short-term discomfort within the coalition.


Similarly, the death of Somnath Suryawanshi in judicial custody has cast a long shadow over the state’s justice system. Such incidents not only erode public trust but also provide fodder for opposition parties eager to exploit any misstep. A march demanding justice for Deshmukh and Suryawanshi, set to culminate in Mumbai on January 25, could have been avoided with timely intervention. That it wasn’t speaks to an inability or unwillingness to act with urgency when lives and reputations are at stake.


Even more damning is the case of Akshay Shinde, a convicted child abuser who died under suspicious circumstances in what has been labelled a fake encounter. The judiciary, not the police, is entrusted with determining guilt and administering justice. When law enforcement oversteps its bounds, it undermines the very foundations of democracy. That this occurred during Eknath Shinde’s tenure as Chief Minister does little to absolve Fadnavis, who, as Home Minister, bears equal responsibility.


The attack on Saif Ali Khan by a Bangladeshi national, MohommedShariful Islam Shehzad, adds to the Mahayuti’s poor law-and-order record. For years, the BJP has railed against illegal immigration from Bangladesh, portraying it as a grave threat to national security. Yet, despite wielding power both at the state and central levels for over a decade, the issue remains unresolved. This failure to translate rhetoric into action has left the party vulnerable to charges of hypocrisy and incompetence.


Taken together, these incidents reflect a government struggling to balance competing priorities while maintaining its credibility. The BJP’s reputation as a party of action and accountability is under threat, and the blame, fairly or otherwise, is increasingly directed at Fadnavis. His critics ask: why has he hesitated to take bold, decisive steps that could stem the tide of discontent? Why has he allowed his administration to appear reactive rather than proactive?


To restore public confidence, the government must prioritize transparency and communication. People want to know that their leaders are aware of their concerns and are working diligently to address them. Secondly, law enforcement must be empowered to act impartially, free from political interference. Cases like Deshmukh’s and Shinde’s demand not just investigations but also systemic reforms to prevent recurrences. Finally, the administration must deliver on its long-standing promise to tackle illegal immigration, not merely as a political talking point but as a tangible policy goal.


Fadnavis, a seasoned politician with a reputation for strategic acumen, must recognize the stakes. These are not merely administrative lapses but existential threats to his government’s authority. In addressing them, he has a chance to not only salvage his administration’s reputation but also set a benchmark for governance in one of India’s most influential states.


The road ahead is fraught with challenges, but the solutions are within reach. By demonstrating a commitment to justice, accountability, and effective governance, the Mahayuti Government can turn this crisis into an opportunity. The public’s patience is not infinite, but it is resilient. It awaits a leader who will rise to the occasion, not with platitudes but with purpose.


For Fadnavis and his government, the question is no longer whether they can weather this storm. The question is whether they can emerge from it stronger, more resolute and better prepared to lead Maharashtra into a future free from the shadows of its current woes.


(The author is a political observer. Views personal.)

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