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By:

Abhijit Joshi

31 August 2024 at 10:09:24 am

Sunetra Pawar’s Trial by Fire

The greatest challenge before Maharashtra’s first Deputy CM is not merely to govern, but to forge a political identity that is unmistakably her own. Politics often rewards the loudest voice. The modern political arena thrives on sharp sound bites, relentless television appearances and instant responses on social media. Yet, some leaders begin their journey not with thunder but with quiet resolve. Maharashtra’s Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar finds herself at precisely such a moment. In...

Sunetra Pawar’s Trial by Fire

The greatest challenge before Maharashtra’s first Deputy CM is not merely to govern, but to forge a political identity that is unmistakably her own. Politics often rewards the loudest voice. The modern political arena thrives on sharp sound bites, relentless television appearances and instant responses on social media. Yet, some leaders begin their journey not with thunder but with quiet resolve. Maharashtra’s Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar finds herself at precisely such a moment. In recent days, she has been drawn into an avoidable political controversy after the Maharashtra Congress dubbed her as “Gungi Gudiya” (“mute doll”) following a media interaction in which she chose not to answer journalists' questions. The remark quickly snowballed into a wider debate about the language used against women occupying high constitutional office. It also revived memories of the same epithet once directed at late Congress Prime Minister Indira Gandhi before she went on to become one of India’s most formidable political figures. Until recently, Sunetra Pawar remained largely outside the glare of frontline politics. She was better known in Baramati for her work in education, healthcare and social welfare than for fiery speeches or electoral campaigns. Her public image was that of a composed, private individual who preferred institution-building to political theatre. Political Limelight That changed in 2024 when she entered electoral politics, contesting the Lok Sabha election from Baramati against her sister-in-law, Supriya Sule. Though unsuccessful, she later entered Parliament through the Rajya Sabha, where she quietly focused on organisational responsibilities and social initiatives rather than cultivating a high-profile parliamentary persona. The defining moment came in January this year with the tragic death of her husband, Ajit Pawar, one of the state’s most experienced and influential political leaders. His passing created a political vacuum within the Nationalist Congress Party. At a moment of uncertainty, Sunetra Pawar stepped forward to shoulder responsibilities that few had imagined she would inherit so soon. Within days, she became Maharashtra’s first woman Deputy Chief Minister - a milestone in the state’s political history. But such transitions are rarely straightforward. Political parties often struggle when towering personalities disappear, and observers had predicted that the NCP might witness internal divisions. Maintaining organisational cohesion during a leadership transition is itself a considerable achievement, particularly in a state where political loyalties are often fluid and intensely personalised. However, much of the public conversation around Sunetra Pawar continues to be framed through comparisons with Ajit Pawar. The contrast is obvious. Ajit Pawar was known for his decisiveness, administrative grip and unmistakable public presence. Sunetra Pawar, by contrast, has generally remained soft-spoken, measured and reluctant to engage in unnecessary confrontation. Her supporters see restraint, dignity and maturity but critics see hesitation and insufficient public engagement. Neither assessment is entirely unfair. That is why the recent Beed incident acquired significance beyond a routine press interaction. When reporters sought her comments on law and order and she chose to leave without responding, the political vacuum was quickly filled by her opponents. The Congress’s “Gungi Gudiya” remark predictably provoked protests from the NCP and criticism from leaders across the ruling alliance, many of whom argued that such language diminished the dignity of a woman holding one of the state’s highest offices. Sunetra Pawar’s own response was notably restrained. She said she would offer a “fitting reply at the appropriate time.” The remark was consistent with the temperament she has displayed since entering public life. Leadership is ultimately judged not only by composure but also by visibility. Every major political figure eventually reaches a point where inherited legitimacy must give way to earned authority. Indira Gandhi had to step beyond Jawaharlal Nehru's towering legacy before she was recognised in her own right. Rajiv Gandhi, too, had to emerge from the shadow of Indira Gandhi while navigating extraordinary political circumstances. Their journeys were shaped by vastly different contexts, but they illustrate a universal truth: every successor must eventually become an original. Sunetra Pawar now confronts a similar, though far more modest, challenge. She must cease to be viewed primarily as “Ajit Pawar's wife” and come into her own. Distinct Identity That transformation cannot be achieved through symbolism alone. After all, lasting political stature is built through decisions, administrative outcomes and public confidence. To her credit, she has remained engaged with governance, regularly attending official programmes, reviewing development projects and interacting with citizens instead of chasing daily headlines. Yet the next stage of leadership demands something more. She will need to engage more confidently with the media, articulate her government's priorities in her own voice, and establish an administrative record that reflects independent judgement rather than inherited expectations. These are demanding tasks, but they are neither unusual nor unattainable. It is still too soon to measure Sunetra Pawar’s political legacy. She assumed responsibility at a moment when both her party and the state were adjusting to an unexpected transition, and has so far navigated that passage with composure. Yet political inheritance has a limited shelf life. While quietness, in itself, is neither a virtue nor a weakness, it acquires meaning only when it is accompanied by clarity and conviction. If Sunetra Pawar is to leave an enduring imprint on Maharashtra's politics, it will not be by echoing the style of Ajit Pawar or by answering every taunt from her opponents. It will be by developing a public voice that reflects her own instincts, her own priorities and, ultimately, her own leadership. (The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

The Reluctant Deputy Who Returned as King

Devendra Fadnavis, once denied his due, is the state’s Chief Minister again and a strong contender for Delhi

In the eternally fluid politics of Maharashtra, the suffix ‘saheb’ carries great weight. It is not lightly bestowed, especially not on someone from Vidarbha - a region often marginalised in Maharashtra’s political landscape and the political spectrum in general.


The fact that present Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) legislator from Nagpur, has come to be addressed simply as ‘Fadnavis Saheb’ is testament to his commendable transformation from just an ardent BJP loyalist and technocrat into a commanding force in Maharashtra politics, on par with a personage no less than Nationalist Congress Party (SP) chief Sharad Pawar.


As he turns 55 today, it is time to take stock of Fadnavis’ ascent. His rise has been anything but meteoric, but it has been relentless. Born into a political family in which his father Gangadharpant was a legislator and his aunt, Shobha Fadnavis, served as a minister, Devendra entered public life through the ideological nursery of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Fresh out of college, he contested elections to the Nagpur Municipal Corporation and, at 25, became one of its youngest mayors.


The Maharashtra BJP at the time was dominated by stalwarts: Pramod Mahajan, Nitin Gadkari in Nagpur, Gopinath Munde in Marathwada and Eknath Khadse in north Maharashtra. Yet Fadnavis persevered. Known for his loyalty to the party and his aptitude for governance, he steadily built networks across districts, earning trust within the BJP’s state apparatus.


His moment came in 2013 when he was appointed state party president. The same year, Narendra Modi was declared the BJP’s candidate for Prime Minister. Fadnavis, buoyed by Modi’s messaging and personal magnetism, plunged into electioneering with evangelical fervour. Modi took note and when the BJP emerged as the single largest party in Maharashtra in 2014, Fadnavis was rewarded with the Chief Minister’s chair at just 44 - making him the second-youngest in Maharashtra's history after Sharad Pawar.


As Chief Minister, he sought to blend rural reform with urban modernisation. He launched the Jalyukt Shivar Abhiyan to make villages drought-resilient and advocated for farm exports to tap global markets. He repeatedly argued that farmers should be made self-reliant rather than trapped in cycles of debt and relief. At the same time, he oversaw large-scale urban infrastructure projects like the Mumbai Metro expansions, the Vadhavan Port, Purandar Airport, the Samruddhi Mahamarg (an expressway connecting Nagpur to Mumbai) and the redevelopment of Asia’s largest slum, Dharavi.


Fadnavis also pitched Maharashtra to foreign investors, strengthened industrial zones and promised law-and-order stability to entrepreneurs. His administration laid the groundwork for a ‘fourth Mumbai’ in Palghar and sanctioned a steel plant in Maoist-hit Gadchiroli, where Naxalism has since receded. Under his watch, even previously restive districts like Chandrapur have seen an uptick in prosperity.


Yet politics rarely rewards continuity. In 2019, though the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance led by Fadnavis won a majority, the Sena switched sides, joining hands with the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) to form the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). Fadnavis, denied a second term, accepted the role of Leader of the Opposition. From that seat, he remained the centre of political gravity in shaping legislative debate, cornering the MVA on scandals and keeping his party's base energised.


The pandemic paralysed politics in 2020–21 but in 2022, Maharashtra’s political landscape shifted again. Shiv Sena leader Eknath Shinde led a rebellion against then CM Uddhav Thackeray’s leadership of the Sena, bringing down the MVA government. The BJP-Shinde faction reclaimed power, but Fadnavis was curiously asked to play second fiddle as Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister. It was, reportedly, at the insistence of both Prime Minister Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah.


Though reluctant, Fadnavis complied and set to work with characteristic discipline. His reward came soon enough. In 2023, Ajit Pawar broke ranks with his uncle Sharad Pawar and brought a faction of the NCP into the BJP-Shinde fold. Fadnavis became the face of the newly expanded ruling coalition. In the 2024 assembly elections, the Mahayuti (comprising the BJP, the Shinde-led Sena, and Ajit Pawar’s NCP) won a resounding victory, and Fadnavis returned to the Chief Minister’s office.


His return was poetic. In 2019, Fadnavis had ended his campaign quoting Atal Bihari Vajpayee: “I shall return.” At the time, his rivals had scoffed. They are not laughing now.


Fadnavis has reshaped Maharashtra’s developmental arc. He integrated big-city ambitions with rural anxieties, and brought a stability to statecraft rarely seen in India’s fractious states. His grip over party machinery, his ability to attract investment and his rapport with PM Modi have only strengthened over time.


Today, projects like the Nashik Kumbh Mela revamp, Shakti Peeth Highway, and continuous administrative meetings underscore the scale of his mandate. Maharashtra stands at the cusp of transformation and Fadnavis is its architect.


The big question is whether Mumbai is his final stop. Many in the BJP believe he is being groomed for something bigger. If he delivers over the next five years, the man once mocked for quoting Vajpayee may do more than just return. He may rise higher still. 

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