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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

The Tinderbox of Nagpur



Nagpur, a city that sits at the geographical heart of India, is the seat of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological nerve-centre of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the political turf of Maharashtra’s Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis. But despite these credentials, Nagpur has remained on the periphery of the state’s electoral battles for much of modern history at least until 2014 when it was largely a Congress bastion. Even when the BJP won here - securing seats for Fadnavis and Union Minister Nitin Gadkari - the city did not figure prominently in the political imagination. However, that has changed with the latest bout of communal unrest.


On the evening of March 17, an ordinary protest over a 17th-century tomb erupted into something far more volatile. Members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, emboldened by a recent wave of Hindu nationalist fervour, gathered to demand the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s tomb, which they claimed symbolized historical oppression. Protesters burned an effigy of the emperor, draping it in cloth before setting it ablaze. The event might have passed with little more than political posturing, had it not been for a doctored image that began circulating on social media shortly thereafter.


The post falsely claimed that a religious text had been desecrated during the protest. It spread rapidly through WhatsApp groups and local forums, stoking anger within the city’s Muslim community. By nightfall, hundreds had gathered in protest in the congested lanes of Mahal, chanting slogans and demanding action. The air was thick with suspicion and anger and then, as if on cue, violence erupted. By 7:30 PM, stone-pelting had turned Chitnis Park and Mahal into a battleground. Shops were ransacked, vehicles torched and the police, caught napping, struggled to contain the chaos. Baton charges gave way to tear gas, leaving over 30 police and 56 civilians injured before a curfew was imposed.


The state government moved quickly to contain the damage, physically and politically. The Maharashtra Police Cyber Cell launched an investigation into over a hundred social media accounts accused of spreading misinformation. Officials pleaded with the public to ignore rumours, emphasizing that no religious text had been desecrated. The incident, they insisted, was a consequence of viral falsehoods, not historical grievances.


The opposition saw an opportunity and seized it. Congress leader Nana Patole alleged that the BJP government had orchestrated the violence to deepen communal divisions. Leader of Opposition Vijay Wadettiwar questioned why the police response had been so delayed in a city that is the CM’s home constituency.


And then there is Faheem Khan. A local political figure with a growing profile, Khan had contested the 2024 Lok Sabha elections against Nitin Gadkari. Now he was in police custody, accused of instigating the mob. Was he a convenient scapegoat, or did he have a role in orchestrating the chaos? If the latter, to what end? Some BJP leaders were quick to suggest that the violence was a conspiracy to discredit Fadnavis in his own stronghold.


In many ways, Nagpur has not traditionally been a city of communal violence. Unlike Mumbai, Ahmedabad or Delhi, its history is not littered with riot after riot. Even the 1927 communal disturbances have largely faded from public memory. That is what makes this latest eruption so unsettling. Why here? Why now?


One theory is that the spark came from the recently released Bollywood film Chhaava, which dramatizes Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj’s struggle against Aurangzeb and his brutal execution at the hands of the Mughal. The movie, hailed by Hindu nationalist groups as a necessary corrective to ‘distorted’ historical narratives, apparently renewed demands to remove the Mughal ruler’s tomb. But films alone do not start riots. The deeper problem is the combustible mix of history, politics and modern misinformation.


Today, as Nagpur remains under curfew, the larger question lingers: was this an organic outburst, the result of unchecked communal tensions or was it something more carefully orchestrated?


For Devendra Fadnavis, the stakes are clear. The CM, already under scrutiny for his handling of Maharashtra’s law-and-order situation, he must convince both his constituents and his party leadership that Nagpur, his bastion, remains firmly under control. For the opposition, the unrest is proof that the BJP’s governance is allegedly neither stable nor secure. For Nagpur itself, this moment is a reminder that in modern India, history is not a relic but a weapon.


(The author is a political observer. Views personal.)

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