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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Record turnout leads to talks of change

Political circle wonders whether the historic 92.88 per cent turnout reflects anti-incumbency or stronger support for the ruling regime Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves during a roadshow amid the ongoing West Bengal Assembly elections in Dum Dum, North 24 Parganas district. New Delhi: West Bengal's political landscape appears to be scripting a new narrative this time, one written through numbers, but rich in deeper meaning. In the first phase of the assembly elections, 92.88 per cent voting...

Record turnout leads to talks of change

Political circle wonders whether the historic 92.88 per cent turnout reflects anti-incumbency or stronger support for the ruling regime Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves during a roadshow amid the ongoing West Bengal Assembly elections in Dum Dum, North 24 Parganas district. New Delhi: West Bengal's political landscape appears to be scripting a new narrative this time, one written through numbers, but rich in deeper meaning. In the first phase of the assembly elections, 92.88 per cent voting across 152 seats is not merely a statistic; it is a dense forest of political signals, where each path leads to a different conclusion. It marks the highest turnout in the state's electoral history, signaling a potentially decisive turning point. In 2011, with a turnout of 84.33 per cent, it led to a regime change, as Mamata Banerjee unseated the Left Front government. This reinforced a conventional belief that high voter turnout often signals a desire for change. However, in 2016 and 2021, turnout hovered around 82 per cent, suggesting a plateau in voter enthusiasm. This time, the nearly 10-percentage-point surge disrupts that pattern. The central question remains exist that does this spike indicate a push for regime change, or a consolidation in favor of the incumbent? The geography of voting in the first phase adds another layer of intrigue. Across 16 districts, Muslim-majority regions such as Murshidabad (66.27 per cent Muslim population, 93.61 per cent turnout), Malda (51.27 per cent, 94.46 per cent), Uttar Dinajpur (49.92 per cent, 94.16 per cent), and Birbhum (37.06 per cent, 94.51 per cent) recorded exceptionally high participation. Yet, this is not a one-sided story. Districts with lower Muslim populations also reported turnout above 90 per cent: Dakshin Dinajpur (24.63 per cent Muslim population, 94.46 per cent turnout), Cooch Behar (25.54 per cent, 96.04 per cent), Jalpaiguri (11.51 per cent, 94.65 per cent), Jhargram (1.66 per cent, 92.26 per cent), and Darjeeling (3.94 per cent, 88.80 per cent). Clear Surge This makes it clear that the surge in turnout is not confined to any single community; it reflects comprehensive civic engagement. Yet, political analysts also interpret this through the lens of polarization, arguing that both major communities have mobilized strongly behind their respective political choices. The fact that Hindu-majority districts like Jalpaiguri and Darjeeling also witnessed high turnout suggests heightened participation across the spectrum, reinforcing the perception of deep political polarisation. There may also be a technical explanation behind the record turnout: the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Reports indicate that around 5.1 million names were removed, potentially reducing the total voter base and thereby inflating the turnout percentage. In other words, the absolute number of voters may not have risen dramatically, but the percentage appears higher due to a smaller denominator. However, this argument does not fully capture the reality on the ground, where long queues at polling booths pointed to genuine enthusiasm. Women Voters Women voters have emerged as the most compelling story of this election. Female turnout stood at 92.69 per cent, compared to 90.92 per cent for men. Though the gap may seem modest, its political significance is substantial. All major parties have actively courted women voters. The Bharatiya Janata Party has promised a monthly allowance of Rs 3,000 for women and 33 per cent reservation in government jobs, while the All India Trinamool Congress continues to rely on its established welfare schemes targeting women. Interestingly, despite women accounting for the largest share of deletions in the electoral roll, their participation remained higher than that of men. This points to a growing political awareness and assertion among women voters. The failure to pass the Women's Reservation Bill and the delimitation amendment in Parliament, which opposed by parties like Congress and TMC, may also have contributed to this heightened engagement. Textbook Example In Indian politics, a well-established trend suggests that higher voter turnout often correlates with regime change, driven by anti-incumbency sentiment. Dissatisfied voters tend to turn out in larger numbers. There is, however, a counterview-that when voters perceive a threat to their preferred government, they too mobilise in large numbers, though such instances are less common. The 2011 West Bengal election remains a textbook example. High turnout ended 34 years of Left rule. Now, after 15 years in power, Mamata Banerjee faces a similar test. Does this 10 per cent surge signal an anti-incumbency wave? That question lies at the heart of the current political discourse. Security arrangements have also played a crucial role in boosting turnout. The deployment of nearly 250,000 security personnel ensured a largely peaceful election. In contrast to the previous election, which saw around 1,300 violent incidents and 17 deaths, violence this time was significantly curtailed. Reduced fears of booth capturing and bombings enabled voters to step out without hesitation. Such an environment activates the "silent voter." When voting is free from fear and coercion, citizens are more likely to express their true preferences. Often, this reveals underlying anti-incumbency currents. If Bengal's electorate is voting without inhibition, it may well indicate that the state's political trajectory is poised for a shift. Political Rhetoric Political rhetoric has only added to the intrigue. Amit Shah has declared that the "sun has set" on TMC's alleged misrule, while Narendra Modi interprets the high turnout as a sign of BJP's impending victory. In contrast, Mamata Banerjee views it as a mandate in her party's favor, framing the surge as a defense of democratic rights amid concerns over voter list revisions and potential future policies like NRC and delimitation. Attention now turns to April 29, when the remaining 142 seats go to the polls. Will the same pattern persist, or is this surge limited to the first phase? For now, Bengal's politics resembles a bowl of "jhalmuri" - sharp, layered, and unpredictable. Who feels the heat, and who savors victory, will only be clear on counting day. What is certain, however, is that this election is not merely about power, it is a deciding test of public sentiment and political direction. 'Gherao' of judicial officers: SC permits NIA to file chargesheet The Supreme Court on Friday permitted the NIA to file its charge sheet on completion of investigation in the sensational incident of April 1 in West Bengal in which seven judicial officers were illegally confined by a mob in Malda district. As many as 700 judicial officers from West Bengal, Odisha and Jharkhand are deployed in the ongoing SIR process to deal with over 60 lakh objections of those excluded from the voter list. The top court had taken suo motu cognisance of a letter from the Chief Justice of Calcutta High Court detailing a harrowing incident of April 1 night, where seven judicial officers, including three women, and a five-year-old child were held captive by a mob for over nine hours without food or water. Later, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) took over the probe into the case on a complaint of the Election Commission at the instruction of the top court. On Friday, a bench comprising Chief Justice Surya Kant and justices Joymalya Bagchi and Vipul M Pancholi was informed by Additional Solicitor General S V Raju, appearing for the NIA, that a fresh status report was filed by the probe agency giving details of the investigation carried so far. The bench took note of the submissions of the law officer and said, "The NIA will be at liberty to file chargesheet in a court of competent jurisdiction." “The first phase of voting has shown that the TMC may not even be able to open its account in several districts. Now you must ensure a decisive defeat for TMC and a clear victory for the BJP. You are enduring intense heat, but I assure you that your effort will not go in vain. I will repay your dedication with interest by ensuring the development of this region.” Narendra Modi, Prime Minister “Those sitting in Delhi, plotting to snatch Bengal's rights and impose their agenda, should understand it clearly that the people of Bengal are watching, and they will respond through their vote. This election is about resisting a systematic attempt to weaken Bengal and control it. Those who believe they can run Bengal from Delhi, dictate its politics, divide its people, and distort its culture are deeply mistaken. This land has a long memory and a stronger spine.” Mamata Banerjee, Chief Minister

Unrest within Mahayuti

Updated: Jan 21, 2025

Mahayuti

Mumbai: The state administration on Sunday stalled the appointments of guardian ministers in Raigad and Nashik districts. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis had cleared the appointments before he left for Davos in Switzerland to attend the World Economic Forum on Saturday. They are believed to have been stalled on behest of Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, who heads the state in absence of the Chief Minister.


NCP’s Aditi Tatkare and BJP’s Girish Mahajan were entrusted with responsibilities of guardian minister for the Raigad and Nashik districts respectively, where Shiv Sena’s Bharat Gogawale and Dada Bhuse had staked claims. Gogawale is a first-time minister while, Bhuse had been the guardian minister of the district during previous government under Eknath Shinde.


Shiv Sena, NCP and BJP all the three constituents of Mahayuti have strong roots in both the districts. However, the Shiv Sena and the NCP had been particularly on loggerheads there. The Shiv Sena, which had been demanding the guardian minister’s post in Nashik district has managed to win only two assembly seats in the district where the NCP has Six and the BJP has Five MLAs. On the contrary, in Raigad the NCP has won only one seat while the Shiv Sena and the BJP both have Three MLAs each in the district.


Sunil Tatkare, MP from Raigad Lok Sabha constituency and the stat unit president of the NCP and father of Aditi Tatkare, had been the guardian minister of Raigad between 2004 and 2014. Gogawale had always been his political opponent before Tatkare joined the Mahayuti government under Ajit Pawar’s leadership in 2023. Gogawale claimed that all the Six Shiv Sena-BJP MLAs in the district had opined in his favour to be the guardian minister of the district and after the decision to appoint Aditi Tatkare was announced, his supporters resorted to violent protests. They burnt tyres in bid to stall traffic on highway in the district. Reacting to the developments, Tatkare said that the issue should be pondered over after CM Fadnavis returns from Davos on Saturday and settled amicably.


In Nashik Girish Mahajan had been the guardian minister of the district between 2014 and 2019 when Fadnavis was the Chief Minister.


The post of guardian minister doesn’t have any constitutional mandate and is considered to be a political appointment. Guardian ministers head the district planning and development councils (DPDC) that control the funds for development works being carried out in the particular district. This control wields much of political power to the minister in that district whereby spreading the party in the district becomes much easier. This is the reason why the grass root politicians seem to be very sensitive to such appointments.


While Gogawale and Bhuse are unhappy about not being appointed as guardian ministers, some others like NCP’s Hasan Mushrif and BJP’s Pankaja Munde are unhappy about not being appointed as guardian district in their home districts of Kolhapur and Beed respectively. DCM Shinde is learnt to have gone to his ancestral village Dare in Satara district after the decision and BJP’s firefighters Chandrashekhar Bawankule and Girish Mahajan are expected to meet him there to try finding a way out of the issue.

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