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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Code for the Many

India wants artificial intelligence to serve development rather than deepen divides Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a meeting with his Bhutanese counterpart Tshering Tobgay in New Delhi. New Delhi:  As the IndiaAI Impact Summit 2026 enters its third day, India appears to be pressing a case that cuts against the grain of much global AI discourse. The summit has been framed by the Sanskrit maxim  sarvajan hitaya, sarvajan sukhaya  (for the welfare and happiness of all) and seeks to move the...

Code for the Many

India wants artificial intelligence to serve development rather than deepen divides Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a meeting with his Bhutanese counterpart Tshering Tobgay in New Delhi. New Delhi:  As the IndiaAI Impact Summit 2026 enters its third day, India appears to be pressing a case that cuts against the grain of much global AI discourse. The summit has been framed by the Sanskrit maxim  sarvajan hitaya, sarvajan sukhaya  (for the welfare and happiness of all) and seeks to move the debate beyond safety alarms and corporate rivalry towards a more pointed question: who, exactly, should benefit from artificial intelligence. Building on its advocacy in 2023 for fairer digital and financial access for the Global South, India is now positioning itself as a steward of a more democratic, human-centric AI that is meant to narrow, rather than entrench, global and domestic inequalities. That ambition builds on India’s posture at earlier global forums. In 2023, New Delhi argued that digital public infrastructure and concessional financing should be treated as global public goods, particularly for poorer nations. Three years on, the argument has sharpened. If AI is to shape growth, productivity and governance in the coming decades, India insists that its benefits must not mirror the inequalities of the industrial and digital revolutions before it. This sets India apart from the dominant poles of AI power. The United States and China have raced ahead with proprietary models and compute-heavy ecosystems. India, lacking the same scale of capital or chips, has instead emphasised deployment by asking how AI can be applied cheaply, widely and with human oversight. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi has often argued, AI is a double-edged tool: transformative when governed well, corrosive when left to markets alone. Stark Contrast The contrast with earlier summits is deliberate. Britain’s 2023 meeting at Bletchley Park fixated on catastrophic risks and frontier safety. South Korea’s Seoul summit in 2024 focused on scientific cooperation to mitigate harm. France’s Paris meeting in 2025 tried to tether AI to sustainability and public interest. India’s turn is broader and more political. The question it poses is not merely how to restrain AI, but how to distribute it. At the heart of the summit is an effort to make AI legible to ordinary citizens. Demonstrations are expected on its use in schools, hospitals, farms and welfare schemes, with particular emphasis on small towns and rural areas. The aim is to narrow what Indian officials increasingly describe as an “AI divide” between those who can exploit algorithms and those who remain invisible to them. The economic case is straightforward. AI-driven tools can raise productivity by automating routine work, improve hiring by reducing bias, and conserve energy through smarter consumption. In education, adaptive learning systems promise to personalise instruction in overcrowded classrooms. In agriculture, predictive models can guide farmers on soil health, pests and weather, lifting incomes while improving food security. In healthcare, AI-assisted diagnostics, from cancer detection in scans to remote patient monitoring, could compensate for India’s chronic shortage of doctors, especially outside cities. One of the summit’s most politically charged themes is road safety. India records between four and five lakh road accidents a year. According to figures cited in Parliament by Nitin Gadkari, 2024 alone saw 1.77 lakh fatalities, a third of them on national highways that make up just 2% of the road network. Officials argue that AI - through speed monitoring, pre-collision alerts and predictive traffic management - could dramatically cut deaths and emissions alike. Panels on data-driven transport policy will test how far such optimism can be translated into enforcement. Critics note that India still struggles with patchy data quality, weak local capacity and uneven internet access. Grand visions, they warn, risk dissolving into pilot projects. Yet that is precisely why New Delhi is pressing its case internationally. By pooling models, datasets and best practices, especially among countries of the Global South, it hopes to reduce costs and avoid dependence on a handful of foreign platforms. If successful, the IndiaAI Impact Summit will mark a shift in the global AI conversation. From fear to function; from concentration to diffusion. India is betting that the future of artificial intelligence will not be decided solely in data centres and boardrooms, but in classrooms, clinics, fields and highways. Whether the world follows is another matter. But New Delhi has made clear where it wants the argument to go.

When Reputation Came Before Rankings

Long before rankings became an obsession, India’s leading institutions had earned their standing through serious scholarship and mentorship.

There was a time when Indian universities did not wait anxiously for an annual announcement to know who they were. There were no league tables, no accreditation cycles, no dashboards of perception indices. And yet, as history shows, Indian higher education produced scholars of global standing and institutions of intellectual depth.


In 1857, three universities were established in India at Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. They functioned for more than a century without ranking frameworks. Graduates from these institutions entered the civil services, judiciary, academia, and scientific establishments with intellectual confidence that travelled well beyond India’s borders. Their influence was visible in colonial administration, nationalist leadership, scientific laboratories, and later in global academic networks. The measure of their success was not a percentile position but the quality of minds they shaped and the institutions they helped build across the world.


Cultivated Reputations

In 1909, Indian Institute of Science was founded. It went on to become one of Asia’s most respected research institutions. There was no domestic ranking validating its position. Its standing grew through research contributions, faculty quality, and international collaborations. Distinguished faculty trained generations of scientists who later led laboratories in India and abroad. Recognition came through peer review, global conferences, and scholarly citation, not through annual score announcements.


After Independence, India established institutions such as the Indian Institutes of Technology and All India Institute of Medical Sciences. These institutions built global reputations long before any Indian national ranking existed. Their alumni became leaders in science, engineering, medicine, entrepreneurship, and policy. The brand emerged organically from performance, not from position in a table. International recognition followed from research quality, competitive admissions, rigorous training, and alumni distinction rather than from structured domestic assessment.


The question then arises: were these universities poor performers simply because they lacked formal evaluation systems? The historical record suggests the opposite.


What sustained quality in that earlier era was not the absence of scrutiny but the presence of a strong academic culture. The system was smaller and more selective, which allowed peer scrutiny and intellectual standards to function as natural regulators. Faculty members were central to institutional identity; a university’s stature was often inseparable from the scholarship, integrity, and mentorship of its professors. Legitimacy flowed outward from research publications, scholarly debate, and alumni achievement rather than inward from bureaucratic certification. Academic autonomy in curriculum, hiring, and research direction allowed institutions to evolve according to disciplinary needs rather than compliance templates.


Academic conversations were driven by ideas and intellectual disagreements, not by reporting formats or performance dashboards. Institutional memory was built through mentorship chains and scholarly traditions rather than through regulatory documentation.


None of this implies that the past was flawless. There were structural limitations and access barriers. Yet excellence existed, and it did not depend on scorecards.


Dramatic Expansion

Why, then, did rankings and accreditations emerge? The answer lies in scale and complexity. Since the 1990s, India’s higher education system has expanded dramatically. Enrolments have multiplied, private and state universities have proliferated, and the diversity of institutional quality has widened. Students and parents require reliable signals to distinguish institutions. Public funding demands accountability. In this environment, frameworks such as the National Institutional Ranking Framework and the National Assessment and Accreditation Council were introduced to introduce transparency and comparability in a mass system. When a system grows from dozens of universities to hundreds, informal reputation networks alone cannot sustain quality differentiation. Structured information becomes necessary for students, policymakers, and society.


The intention was understandable. Informal peer reputation alone could no longer sustain trust across hundreds of institutions. Structured evaluation became a policy necessity.


However, once scores begin to influence funding, autonomy, admissions demand, and public image, institutions may gradually shift their energy toward optimising indicators rather than strengthening fundamentals. What can be measured begins to dominate what truly matters. Quantifiable metrics acquire disproportionate authority, even when intellectual quality, mentorship depth, and ethical culture remain resistant to numerical capture. Administrative calendars start revolving around reporting deadlines instead of academic milestones.


Research strategies tilt toward publication counts rather than conceptual depth. Faculty hiring subtly aligns with metric visibility rather than long-term intellectual fit. These distortions become predictable when numbers turn into institutional currency.


The paradox is striking. India built globally respected institutions without rankings. Today, despite multiple ranking and accreditation systems, anxiety about standards persists. This does not mean that evaluation caused decline, nor does it imply that assessment mechanisms are unnecessary. It reveals instead that measurement is a tool, not a substitute for academic culture.


A university becomes excellent when it recruits and retains strong faculty, protects intellectual freedom, fosters rigorous mentorship, sustains research integrity, and nurtures curiosity rather than compliance. These elements operate over decades. They are lived practices, not annual submissions. They depend on leadership that values scholarship over spectacle and long-term academic investment over short-term visibility.


When academic culture is strong, rankings merely confirm what is already visible. When that culture weakens, rankings grow louder, attempting to compensate for internal fragility.


India does not need to abandon evaluation frameworks. In a large and diverse system, some structure is indispensable. But we must guard against confusing measurement with merit. Reputation, in its deepest sense, is slow to build and difficult to fabricate. It grows from sustained scholarship, institutional integrity, and generational continuity. It cannot be manufactured annually. It cannot be engineered through perception surveys alone.


The universities that shaped India’s intellectual history did not wake up waiting for their rank. They woke up to teach, to research, to debate, and to mentor. Their standing followed naturally.


The real question before us is not whether rankings should exist. It is whether we can rebuild a culture in which rankings become secondary once again. Where reputation is earned quietly, through substance, and announced not by a score, but by enduring contribution.


(The author is an ANRF Prime Minister Professor at COEP Technological University, Pune; former Director of the Agharkar Research Institute, Pune; and former Visiting Professor at IIT Bombay. Views personal).

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