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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

Pune’s drought could dry up business

Water rationing threatens to hit the city’s wedding industry, construction sector, retail trade and livelihoods. Pune : Pune is beginning to feel the economic sting of drought. A 10 percent cut in the city’s water supply has already been implemented, and the municipal administration has indicated that the reduction could rise to 20 percent or more over the next two to three months. What appears at first to be a water-management crisis could soon become a wider economic problem, affecting...

Pune’s drought could dry up business

Water rationing threatens to hit the city’s wedding industry, construction sector, retail trade and livelihoods. Pune : Pune is beginning to feel the economic sting of drought. A 10 percent cut in the city’s water supply has already been implemented, and the municipal administration has indicated that the reduction could rise to 20 percent or more over the next two to three months. What appears at first to be a water-management crisis could soon become a wider economic problem, affecting businesses, construction activity, employment and household budgets. The Pune Municipal Corporation has begun shutting off the water supply every Thursday. Swimming pools and vehicle-washing centres have been closed, while the use of water for construction has been prohibited. The state government has directed the civic administration to ensure that the reserves in the Khadakwasla dam chain, which supplies Pune, last until August 2027. The challenge could become more acute in the months ahead. Meteorological experts have forecast a milder winter and significantly higher temperatures this year. If these predictions hold true, increased evaporation could place further pressure on the city's water reserves, potentially necessitating stricter rationing. For residents accustomed to a relatively abundant water supply, cuts of 20 percent or more would demand a substantial adjustment in daily life. Intense Pressure The economic consequences are beginning to emerge. The closure of vehicle-washing centres has deprived young people employed in low-skilled jobs of their livelihoods. Swimming-pool closures have similarly affected security guards and lifeguards. These may appear to be small, isolated losses, but they expose a larger problem: when water-intensive businesses are forced to shut down, the burden falls disproportionately on workers with few financial reserves and limited employment alternatives. The impact could spread to Pune’s lucrative wedding industry. The wedding season traditionally gathers momentum after Tulsi Vivah in the month of Kartik, generating business worth more than Rs. 200-250 crore. Pune has long attracted affluent families from outside the city who prefer its venues and facilities for wedding celebrations, partly because of its historically reliable water supply. Persistent restrictions could undermine that advantage. Wedding venues, caterers, hotels and other service providers depend on a dependable water supply to operate. If rationing becomes more severe, organisers may reconsider their choice of venue, while businesses could face higher operating costs and disruptions. An industry that generates substantial seasonal revenue also supports a network of workers and small enterprises, making the potential economic fallout wider than the immediate loss of bookings. Rural-Urban Connection Pune’s commercial fortunes are also linked to the health of the rural economy. A good agricultural harvest typically improves rural incomes, supporting spending on goods and services in urban markets. When farm earnings weaken, that spending tends to contract, affecting traders, retailers and other businesses. If rural incomes remain subdued, the city’s commercial sector could face an additional headwind at a time when water scarcity is already threatening business activity. The interaction between agricultural distress and urban water shortages could therefore deepen the economic slowdown. Construction presents another major vulnerability. Like many large cities, Pune depends heavily on real estate and infrastructure development to sustain economic activity and employment. Construction projects generate demand across a broad network of industries, from building-material suppliers and transport operators to contractors and daily-wage workers. A prolonged restriction on construction-related water use could delay projects, raise costs and disrupt work schedules. If projects stall, the effects will extend beyond developers to workers, suppliers and businesses that depend on the real estate sector. Rising Inflation For ordinary citizens, the prospect of tighter water rationing comes amid an already difficult cost-of-living situation. Food and restaurant prices have risen sharply. A cup of tea now costs more than Rs. 30, while a serving of idli-sambar can exceed Rs. 90. Even street food, traditionally an affordable option for working people, has become increasingly expensive. These prices illustrate the pressure on household budgets, particularly those of workers whose incomes have not kept pace with rising costs. If water shortages push up operating expenses for restaurants, caterers and other businesses, consumers could face further increases. The extent of any additional price rise will depend on how severe and prolonged the restrictions become. The working class is particularly exposed. Workers in vehicle-washing centres, swimming pools, construction and allied services may lose income precisely when everyday necessities are becoming more expensive. Unlike larger businesses, many such workers have little capacity to absorb a prolonged interruption in earnings. Pune’s immediate challenge is to conserve enough water to carry the city through the coming months. Yet the implications of the drought extend well beyond household taps and civic supply schedules. Trade, real estate, hospitality and seasonal businesses all depend, directly or indirectly, on the availability of water. The two sectors facing particular uncertainty are trade and real estate. The former could suffer from weaker consumer spending and disruptions to commercial activity; the latter could be affected by restrictions on construction and the risk of project delays. The consequences would be felt across employment and the wider urban economy. Pune’s residents and businesses have not had to contend with water cuts of 20 percent or more on a sustained basis. Adapting to such restrictions will be difficult, especially if temperatures rise and the drought persists.

Who Writes India’s History?

Sep 1
3 min read

A civilisation defends its history not by silencing uncomfortable narratives, but by creating generations strong enough to question every narrative.

Manan Ahmed Asif
Manan Ahmed Asif

History is not merely a record of what happened. It shapes how societies remember themselves, understand their origins and interpret contemporary conflicts. Historical scholarship is therefore a form of intellectual power.


The controversy surrounding Manan Ahmed Asif’s The Loss of Hindustan: The Invention of India deserves examination—not through personal attacks or censorship, but through evidence and competing scholarship.


Published by Harvard University Press in 2020, Asif argues that “Hindustan” existed for centuries as a geographical, political and civilisational concept encompassing diverse communities. He contends that European colonial scholarship gradually displaced it with “India”, a process he calls “political forgetting”.


This argument cannot simply be dismissed.


British colonial historiography was not created in an intellectual vacuum. East India Company officials and European Orientalists collected manuscripts, translated Sanskrit and Persian works, mapped territories and classified Indian society while Britain expanded its political control. Knowledge and imperial authority frequently reinforced each other.


Asif also challenges the tendency to organise India’s mediaeval history around Muslim rulers and Hindu society. His interpretation centres on seventeenth-century historian Muhammad Qasim Firishta, whose history presented Hindustan as a connected geographical space spanning regions from Lahore and Delhi to the Deccan, Bengal and Malabar.


For Asif, this demonstrates an intellectual conception of Hindustan long before British India.


But fascinating arguments must withstand criticism.


Rejecting the idea that India’s mediaeval history was simply a thousand-year Hindu-Muslim war does not require accepting that religious conflict was insignificant. India’s history records conquest, warfare, discrimination and destruction of religious institutions. It also records Hindu commanders under Muslim rulers, Muslims serving Hindu kingdoms, commercial cooperation, cultural exchange and long periods of coexistence.


Both conflict and accommodation belong to India’s past. The danger arises when an ideological framework selects one and suppresses the other.


Colonial scholars can legitimately be criticised for imposing European categories on India’s past. But modern scholarship must also avoid projecting twenty-first-century ideas of secularism, minority identity and majoritarianism backwards onto mediaeval societies.


A seventeenth-century historian recognising multiple communities within Hindustan does not automatically establish modern constitutional secularism. Historical pluralism and modern political pluralism are related, but not identical.


This brings us to Western academic influence.


Asif is a professor of history at Columbia University, and his academic work has received support from major foundations. These are disclosed relationships. There is no evidence that such foundations financed The Loss of Hindustan to undermine India or that Harvard or Columbia sponsored it to create political instability. Turning institutional association into conspiracy without evidence would itself violate scholarly standards.


But who possesses the intellectual authority to define India’s past for the world?


During colonialism, London became an important centre from which India’s history, laws, communities and languages were classified. Today, American and European universities, journals, foundations and publishing institutions exercise considerable influence over international discussions of Indian nationalism, caste, religion, minorities, Hindutva and communalism.


That does not make Western scholarship anti-India. Universities contain competing traditions and have produced outstanding research on India. But intellectual concentration deserves scrutiny wherever it occurs.


The stakes are particularly high for younger Indians. A scholarly argument that once travelled slowly through books and universities can now move within hours through social media. A complicated 300-page argument can become a ten-second slogan:

“India was invented by the British.”

“Muslims were always foreigners.”

“India never existed before colonialism.”

“India has always been one homogeneous civilisation.”


All are dramatic. None adequately describes the complexity of Indian history.


Historical interpretation has entered the algorithmic battlefield. Young people increasingly encounter fragments selected by social-media systems before they encounter original sources. Academic theories, political propaganda and historical evidence consequently circulate together, often without distinction.


India’s response cannot be censorship or intellectual isolation. India must answer scholarship with scholarship.


Universities should strengthen Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic, Pali, Prakrit, Marathi, Tamil and other primary-source studies. Historians should return to manuscripts, inscriptions and contemporary records rather than merely choosing between colonial, nationalist, Marxist or postcolonial interpretations.


Students should read Asif. They should equally read historians who disagree with him.


The purpose of education is to teach young Indians to distinguish historical evidence from interpretation, interpretation from ideology, and scholarship from political mobilisation.


No single intellectual system should monopolise the interpretation of history—not colonial historiography, nationalist narratives, postcolonial theory, political governments or elite Western universities.


India’s history should neither be dictated from foreign campuses nor prescribed by political authority at home.


A civilisation does not defend its history by silencing uncomfortable narratives. It defends itself by creating generations intellectually strong enough to question every narrative—including those carrying the world’s most prestigious academic labels.

 

(The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

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