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23 August 2024 at 9:59:04 pm

Hidden Questions

For six years, the Disha Salian case has remained trapped in a fog of unanswered questions, disputed narratives and institutional inaction. It appears that the fog is now finally beginning to lift. The CBI’s recent FIR has brought into the investigation a startling array of names including Shiv Sena (UBT) leader and MLA Aaditya Thackeray, his father, Sena (UBT) chief and former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray, Dino Morea, Sooraj Pancholi, Rhea Chakraborty, Sachin Vaze, Param Bir Singh, and...

Hidden Questions

For six years, the Disha Salian case has remained trapped in a fog of unanswered questions, disputed narratives and institutional inaction. It appears that the fog is now finally beginning to lift. The CBI’s recent FIR has brought into the investigation a startling array of names including Shiv Sena (UBT) leader and MLA Aaditya Thackeray, his father, Sena (UBT) chief and former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray, Dino Morea, Sooraj Pancholi, Rhea Chakraborty, Sachin Vaze, Param Bir Singh, and former home minister Anil Deshmukh. The allegations being investigated include conspiracy, destruction or suppression of evidence and an alleged attempt to establish a false narrative around Salian’s death. For Aaditya and the MVA, the instinctive political response will be to dub the CBI’s fresh probe as ‘vendetta’ and portray the investigation as an assault on the Thackeray family. But such a response would evade the much larger question of why this case was allowed to remain where it was for so long? At the very least, the filing of the FIR against the Thackerays’ and others lays bare the failure on part of the erstwhile MVA government headed by Uddhav Thackeray to properly investigate the case. This aspect cannot be wished away now by invoking political persecution as the Bombay High Court’s intervention has itself exposed the extraordinary manner in which the matter was handled. For years, Salian’s death remained an accidental-death case rather than being subjected to the kind of criminal investigation demanded by the allegations surrounding it. Her family has repeatedly sought a CBI probe only to be rebuffed by the previous Maharashtra government headed by Uddhav Thackeray. If the Thackeray-led MVA government had nothing to fear, why was a transparent investigation not pursued with greater urgency? If there was no attempt to protect anyone, why were questions about the circumstances of Salian’s death allowed to accumulate rather than being conclusively answered? And if there was no political sensitivity involved, why did the machinery of government appear so reluctant to let an independent agency examine the matter? The more aggressively the Opposition cries “vendetta,” the more obvious another question becomes: what exactly is it afraid the investigation might uncover? Aaditya Thackeray’s political inheritance cannot become an institutional exemption. Being Balasaheb Thackeray’s grandson may provide a formidable political surname; it cannot provide immunity from scrutiny. The CBI must be allowed to pursue every lead, examine every witness, reconstruct every missing link and establish the truth as to what happened to Disha Salian. If the allegations against anyone are false, the investigation should establish that too. But if wrongdoing has occurred, then those responsible must face the consequences. After six years, neither political power nor a famous surname can be allowed to stand between the investigation and the truth.

Why the Three-Language Formula Deserves Support

Writer: Shreesh Deopujari
Shreesh Deopujari
Jun 3
3 min read

The real issue is not opposition to foreign languages but the need for balance.

The ongoing debate over the implementation of the Three-Language Formula (R–3) in Class IX by the Central Board of Secondary Education is not merely an educational matter. It is closely linked to India’s cultural continuity, cognitive development, constitutional spirit and educational inclusiveness.


The Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed against this policy raises concerns. It reflects how a limited yet influential section of society is attempting to obstruct an educational reform intended to benefit the overwhelming majority of Indian students. The petition advocates the teaching of foreign languages from Class VI onwards so that children of affluent families may pursue higher education in countries such as Germany, France and Japan.

India is not merely a political union but an ancient civilisational nation founded on linguistic diversity and cultural interconnectedness. Indian languages are more than mediums of communication. They carry knowledge traditions accumulated over millennia, along with values, science, art, literature, folk wisdom and cultural consciousness. Any educational policy that strengthens Indian languages, in effect, strengthens India itself.


The implementation of R–3 in Class IX is consistent with the vision of the National Education Policy 2020. The policy considers multilingualism, mother-tongue-based education and the promotion of Indian languages as the foundation of holistic education and national integration. It is based on research showing that students learn more effectively, think more deeply and develop more fully within a familiar linguistic environment.


Opposition to this policy appears limited. It may consist of only one or two per cent of students, institutions, publishers or urban elites whose educational orientation favours foreign languages.


Every citizen has the democratic right to express concerns and opinions. However, it is important to consider whether the preferences of a small minority should deprive ninety-eight or ninety-nine per cent of students of the opportunity to continue studying an Indian language they have already learnt up to Class VIII.


This issue is not about opposing foreign languages. India has always welcomed global knowledge traditions. Sanskrit scholars studied Greek astronomy. Indian mathematicians engaged with Persian and Arabic scholarship. Even today, Indian students learn numerous international languages, including English.


The real issue is one of balance. A nation that neglects its own languages gradually weakens its cultural self-confidence, intellectual autonomy and social inclusiveness.


The continuation of Indian language education up to Class X offers several benefits:

Cognitive Development: Multilingual education enhances memory, creativity, analytical ability and problem-solving skills. Students proficient in multiple Indian languages often perform better in higher education and social participation.


Social Inclusion: Indian languages democratise education. Excessive glorification of foreign languages creates artificial educational elitism, leaving rural, tribal and economically disadvantaged students at a disadvantage.


Cultural Continuity: Languages preserve literature, folklore, philosophy, local knowledge and ethical traditions. Distancing students from their languages is equivalent to distancing them from their roots.


National Integration: The study of Indian languages promotes mutual understanding among regions and strengthens emotional unity within India’s diversity.


Educational Equality: Millions of students have already studied an Indian language up to Class VIII. Allowing them to continue for two more years ensures continuity and deeper proficiency.


The litigation may also convey an unfortunate message. It suggests that Indian languages are somehow secondary to foreign languages.


Such a mentality runs contrary to the spirit of Atmanirbhar Bharat, founded on cultural self-confidence and intellectual independence. National unity is more important than the private interests of any individual or group. Institutions teaching foreign languages are readily available both physically and online. However, the status of Indian languages must never be diminished.


There is a need for a nationwide public awareness movement in support of Indian languages. Educational institutions, teachers, parents, scholars, cultural organisations and civil society should actively support R–3.


Awareness about the importance of Indian languages should be promoted through social media, print media, digital platforms, seminars and public discussions.


Schools and institutions can contribute by:• Organising discussions and seminars on Indian language education.• Publishing articles, posters and videos supporting multilingual education.• Encouraging creative expression in Indian languages.• Promoting awareness of the constitutional and educational importance of linguistic diversity.


India’s linguistic diversity is not a burden. It is one of the greatest strengths of this civilisation. Policies that strengthen Indian languages are not instruments of exclusion but means of national inclusion.


Supporting the implementation of R–3 by the CBSE is therefore not merely support for an educational policy. It is support for educational justice, cultural continuity, intellectual pluralism and the future of India’s civilisational identity.


(The writer is Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh of Samskrita Bharati.)

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