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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Speculations of ‘Operation Tiger’

Mumbai: Recent disqualification of former Mumbai Mayor Vishakha Raut and senior corporator Deepak Sawant has sent shockwaves through the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), sparking speculation of a targeted municipal sequel to the Shiv Sena split. With a surge of election petitions now threatening dozens of elected representatives, whispers of a new form of calculated “Operation Tiger” are growing louder. Many suspect this is a strategic move to dismantle the Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray...

Speculations of ‘Operation Tiger’

Mumbai: Recent disqualification of former Mumbai Mayor Vishakha Raut and senior corporator Deepak Sawant has sent shockwaves through the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), sparking speculation of a targeted municipal sequel to the Shiv Sena split. With a surge of election petitions now threatening dozens of elected representatives, whispers of a new form of calculated “Operation Tiger” are growing louder. Many suspect this is a strategic move to dismantle the Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray (UBT) faction’s remaining stronghold in the civic body. Recent action against Raut and Sawant, whose Other Backward Classes (OBC) caste certificates were invalidated, reveals a broader vulnerability. According to BMC data, a staggering 79 election petitions are currently active against corporators across various parties. The charges primarily challenge the authenticity of caste verification certificates, but also include discrepancies in election affidavits concerning declared properties and income. While the sheer volume of petitions against the UBT camp is alarming, civic authorities note that filing a petition does not automatically result in disqualification. The process requires exhausting several legal and administrative steps. Even after a ruling by a caste scrutiny committee or judicial authority, the urban development department must formally issue a gazette notification before a seat is declared vacant. The timing of these petitions has fueled intense speculation. Against the backdrop of the ongoing Supreme Court hearings regarding the original Shiv Sena’s party name and election symbol, analysts suggest rival factions are leveraging these petitions. This municipal “Operation Tiger” appears designed to either legally disqualify embattled UBT members or pressure them into defection to avoid a public unseating. If these petitions lead to widespread disqualifications, the UBT faction risks losing its position as the largest opposition bloc, fundamentally altering the balance of power in Asia’s richest civic body. Election petitions against BMC corporators Political Party: Active Petitions Shiv Sena (UBT): 24 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP): 18 Congress: 10 Shiv Sena (Shinde): 7 AIMIM: 7

Wise Intervention

If the Centre’s response to the NEET protests has been an admixture of vacillation, force and defensiveness, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s unequivocal endorsement of Gen Z may prove to be the most politically astute intervention since the agitation began.


By recognising the legitimacy of young Indians’ grievances instead of questioning their patriotism, Bhagwat may have prevented a crisis over examination leaks from becoming a lasting rupture with the ruling BJP’s future electorate.


While protesters are readily caricatured as troublemakers or political pawns, Bhagwat has consciously rejected that temptation. By insisting that young demonstrators are neither anti-national nor outsiders but India’s own next generation, he has reframed the debate from one of confrontation to one of responsibility.


While the protests spearheaded by Abhijit Dipke and his Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) took a notably ugly turn, leading many citizens to cast aspersions on the motivations on the protestors and their credibility, the controversy over examination leaks is nevertheless a serious and burning issue reflecting deeper anxieties among millions of young Indians about fairness, merit and opportunity.


Bhagwat’s admission that “something that shouldn’t happen” had indeed happened, and that such failures indicated “a deficiency” requiring correction, was an important recognition that government institutions must be capable of introspection.


Equally striking was his understanding of generational change. His observation that his own generation accepted authority while Gen Z demands logical answers was a graceful acceptance that democratic engagement has evolved. Young Indians today question institutions because they have higher expectations of them. Mature democracies do not fear such questioning, and that is what Bhagwat’s remarks implied.


His approach may carry considerable political significance for the ruling BJP. India is one of the world’s youngest democracies, with more than half its population below the age of 35. By 2029, Gen Z will constitute one of the country’s most influential electoral constituencies. Alienating them through dismissive rhetoric or excessive force would have been politically costly. Bhagwat’s unequivocal expression of trust - going so far as to say that if asked to trust blindly, he would trust Gen Z - offers a markedly different message. It tells young Indians that criticism of administrative failures need not place them outside the national mainstream.


In doing so, Bhagwat may also have blunted attempts by politically motivated groups to convert legitimate student grievances into a broader campaign of perpetual confrontation. Every democracy contains forces that seek to transform dissatisfaction into lasting alienation from constitutional politics. The surest antidote is not denunciation but through engagement. By recognising the legitimacy of protest while emphasising dialogue and democratic methods, Bhagwat has reduced the space for those seeking to escalate anger into indiscriminate agitation.

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