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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

A Leader Adrift

Updated: Mar 17, 2025


Balochistan
Shehbaz Sharif

The recent train hijacking in Balochistan is yet another grim testament to Pakistan’s accelerating descent into chaos. Armed militants from the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) intercepted and seized control of the Peshawar-bound Jaffar Express near Mach, holding passengers hostage in a brazen display of defiance against the Pakistani state. This incident underscores not only the deteriorating security situation in Balochistan but also the sheer inability of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and his government to exert control over a country increasingly resembling a failed state.


Since his return to power in February 2024, Shehbaz has faced an unrelenting barrage of crises - an economy in tatters, skyrocketing inflation, deepening ethnic and sectarian unrest, and a military establishment struggling to impose its will. His leadership, always seen as an extension of the real power centre - the military - has been rendered virtually impotent in the face of growing insurgency and political instability.


Shehbaz Sharif was never expected to be a leader in his own right. His political career has been defined by his role as a crisis manager rather than a visionary statesman. Unlike his elder brother Nawaz Sharif, who commanded a degree of personal authority, Shehbaz has long been seen as the military’s preferred administrator - a technocratic leader capable of executing orders rather than setting the national agenda. However, the challenges before him today are far greater than anything he faced during his tenure as Punjab’s chief minister.


In Punjab, Shehbaz was known for his hands-on approach, personally overseeing infrastructure projects and administrative matters. But governing Pakistan, particularly in its current fragile state, is a different beast altogether. The federal government’s control over large parts of the country is slipping, with Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa increasingly resembling insurgency zones. Meanwhile, even within Punjab, which has historically been the power base of the Sharifs, discontent is growing as economic conditions worsen and political instability festers.


Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest but most neglected province, has long been a hotbed of insurgency. The Baloch separatist movement, catalysed by economic marginalization and heavy-handed military crackdowns, has evolved into a full-fledged rebellion. The recent train hijacking is a stark reminder that the insurgency is no longer confined to remote areas but is now brazenly challenging the state’s authority in broad daylight.


The BLA, which claimed responsibility for the attack, has intensified its operations in recent months, targeting security personnel, government installations, and key infrastructure. Their ability to hijack a train and take hostages without immediate retaliation exposes Islamabad’s weakening grip over the region. Shehbaz’s government issued the usual condemnations, but beyond rhetoric, there is little evidence that he has a coherent strategy to deal with the crisis.


Beyond security concerns, the economic situation in Pakistan continues to spiral out of control. The rupee is in freefall, inflation has skyrocketed and essential commodities are slipping beyond the reach of ordinary citizens. Shehbaz’s government has had to rely on repeated IMF bailouts to prevent economic collapse, but these come with stringent conditions that further erode his popularity.


Foreign investors remain wary of Pakistan’s instability, and local businesses are struggling under the weight of economic mismanagement. For a leader who built his reputation on efficiency, Shehbaz’s inability to stabilize the economy is proving to be one of his biggest failures.


His political challenges are exacerbated by the lingering influence of Imran Khan, whose PTI remains a potent force. Instead of consolidating power, Shehbaz is forced to navigate an uneasy coalition, dependent on allies like the PPP, while also placating an increasingly assertive military.


Traditionally, Pakistan’s military has been the ultimate arbiter of power, but even it appears overstretched. While General Asim Munir maintains a firm grip, the sheer number of internal security threats - from Baloch separatists to Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants - has exposed the limits of the army’s reach.


Shehbaz’s reliance on the military for political survival means he cannot afford to challenge its authority. His tenure is fast proving to be one of firefighting without any real strategy, a premiership defined not by governance but by a desperate attempt to delay the inevitable collapse. If his government continues to drift, Pakistan may soon reach a point where no leader, military or civilian, can prevent it from slipping into the abyss.

 

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