Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

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Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

A Loss Well Played

Correspondent
Jun 24
3 min read

The BJP’s bypoll defeat in Visavadar may look like a setback, but is in fact a cunning move in a longer game to fracture the opposition ahead of the 2027 Gujarat Assembly polls.

In India’s most saffron-saturated state, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) defeat in a by-election normally signals seismic political tremors. That the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) won Visavadar, a Patidar stronghold in Gujarat’s Junagadh district, with a margin of over 17,500 votes has thus sparked no shortage of commentary about the BJP’s supposed vulnerability. But seasoned watchers of Gujarat politics would do well to read between the electoral lines. Far from being a sign of weakness, the BJP’s ‘loss’ may well be a calculated concession - a Trojan horse designed to induce a premature alliance between two uneasy opposition parties, the Congress and AAP, and in the process, bleed them both.

On the surface, the AAP’s win is significant. Gopal Italia, its controversial former state president, has clawed back a seat his party originally won in 2022, only to see the victorious MLA, Bhupendra Bhayani, defect to the BJP. Italia’s win also marks the party’s first flicker of resurgence since its drubbing in the Delhi Assembly elections earlier this year. Yet the BJP’s loss was not unexpected. Bhayani, the original defector, was not fielded. The BJP instead ran Kirit Patel, a relatively low-profile candidate in a region where local loyalties run deep. Against him, AAP fielded a polarising but high-visibility leader in Italia.

Italia’s candidacy was a gift in disguise. A known firebrand with little cross-community appeal, his victory, while headline-worthy, brings with it a curious political arithmetic. By handing a seat back to a leader best known for viral videos and agitation politics (but not effective governance), the BJP has ensured that the AAP remains just relevant enough to be a nuisance, but not formidable enough to truly threaten its grip over Gujarat. In fact, the win may compel AAP and Congress to enter into a seat-sharing arrangement for the 2027 assembly elections - an arrangement almost certainly destined to be fraught.

The two parties, after all, are natural rivals masquerading as reluctant partners. Since its Gujarat debut, the AAP has grown at Congress’s expense, not the BJP’s. In 2022, the AAP’s vote share was drawn largely from constituencies where Congress once held sway, especially among SC-ST blocs and sections of the Patidar community. By entering Gujarat as an ‘alternative,’ the AAP undermined the Congress’s claim to be the sole national opposition.

The Congress, for its part, remains in disarray. Despite launching a statewide ‘Sangathan Srijan Abhiyan’ to revive its grassroots apparatus, factionalism continues to hobble the party. A prospective alliance with AAP, especially after the latter’s posturing in 2022, could demoralise loyalists and further erode its social base.

Beneath the electoral theatre lies the BJP’s longer stratagem, say observers. The saffron party, which has ruled Gujarat uninterrupted since 1995, knows that its biggest strength lies not merely in winning votes, but in shaping the terrain of contest. It has long specialised in forcing opposition parties into reactive positions: engineering defections, exploiting rival egos and amplifying internal contradictions. The Visavadar bypoll fits neatly into this playbook. It allows the BJP to temporarily cede space to a lesser adversary while ensuring that the broader anti-BJP front remains divided and incoherent.

There is also the matter of optics. AAP’s hyperbolic claims that “only it can defeat the BJP in Gujarat” following this single-seat win will not escape the ruling party’s notice. Such overreach only adds to internal Congress frustrations, thereby accelerating the very fragmentation the BJP thrives on. So, while Visavadar may seem like a crack in the BJP’s Gujarat edifice, it is in reality a pressure valve that is calculated, timed and deliberately opened to destabilise its opponents. The real battle, as always, is not the seat at hand, but the narrative that follows after. On that front, the BJP remains leagues ahead.

Red flag to green steel

A Loss Well Played

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