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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

External involvement in Chandranath’s murder

Political and Geopolitical forces behind the killing in West Bengal New Delhi: The 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections have not only signaled a new trajectory in Indian politics but have also stirred ripples in global geopolitics. The unprecedented victory of the BJP in the state brought to light events that reveal how the long-standing cycle of political power struggles and violence is now emerging in a new form. The most alarming manifestation of this shift came late Wednesday night with...

External involvement in Chandranath’s murder

Political and Geopolitical forces behind the killing in West Bengal New Delhi: The 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections have not only signaled a new trajectory in Indian politics but have also stirred ripples in global geopolitics. The unprecedented victory of the BJP in the state brought to light events that reveal how the long-standing cycle of political power struggles and violence is now emerging in a new form. The most alarming manifestation of this shift came late Wednesday night with the murder of Chandranath Rath, personal secretary to senior BJP leader Shuvendu Adhikari. Chandranath Rath, a veteran who served 15 years in the Indian Air Force, was closely working with his family friend and senior BJP leader, Shuvendu Adhikari. His killing is more than an isolated personal attack and it signals a disturbing new dimension of political violence. Historically, electoral violence in West Bengal has targeted the workers of losing parties. This time, however, even the leaders and workers of the winning side have fallen victim. The implications of this violence extend beyond the state's borders. Following the BJP's landslide victory in West Bengal, the activity of anti-India elements in neighboring countries has intensified. Bangladesh and Pakistan have expressed concern over the party's victory, while China and the United States are also closely monitoring its implications. This highlights that election results in border states now carry geopolitical significance far beyond local politics. For decades, West Bengal and Assam have been treated as strategic zones in broader geopolitical games, with external forces allegedly attempting to maintain unrest in these regions over the past seven decades, like Jammu-Kashmir. Investigations into Chandranath Rath's murder indicate a pre-meditated conspiracy. The assailants used advanced Glock 47X firearms, suggesting that the plot was not confined to local planning alone. The crime occurred just 60 kilometers from Basirhat, near the Bangladesh border, which strengthens the likelihood of external involvement. Violent History History shows that violence and muscle power have always been intertwined with West Bengal politics. From the "Khaddo Movement" of the 1960s to slogans like "Dam Dam Dawai," political action was often synonymous with coercion, intimidation and murder. During the Left Front era, strategies like "scientific rigging," booth capture, and leveraging local goons became commonplace. Later, the Trinamool Congress inherited these structures and kept them under its control. Today's events demonstrate that this system remains alive. Border Dynamics The complexity of border areas and communal dynamics further complicates the scenario. In constituencies along the West Bengal and Assam borders, Muslim candidates secured victories, while regions adjacent to West Bengal in Bangladesh are represented by members of Jamaat-e-Islami. Groups like Jamaat-e-Islami have long pursued anti-India agendas, and their influence can be seen in electoral outcomes across these areas. The BJP's recent victory, and the violence that ensued, draw attention to geopolitics. The President of the United States congratulated Prime Minister Narendra Modi, marking an unprecedented acknowledgment of a state-level BJP win. In contrast, Pakistani and Bangladeshi media have reacted with alarm, while discussions in Bangladesh's parliament highlight concern for the Muslim communities in these regions. Local outbreaks of violence further underline that West Bengal is no longer merely a domestic political theatre, however, this is a hub of geopolitical activity, where external forces seek to keep unstable and chaotic. This cycle of political violence extends beyond individual acts. It has become a complex mix of administrative inefficiency, local political rivalry, and external interference. The immediate presence of DGP Siddh Nath Gupta and CRPF DG Gyanendra Pratap Singh at the crime scene underscores the gravity of the situation. Chandranath Rath's murder is not merely a personal tragedy but a broader political and societal security challenge. The events echo the 1970s when Naxalism emerged in West Bengal, eventually spreading across India's "Red Corridor." Rath's assassination makes it clear that politics in West Bengal is no longer limited to electoral competition or local governance. The incident lays bare the intertwined realities of political violence, international geopolitics, and social security concerns. If the current trends continue, West Bengal may evolve into a region sensitive not only to national politics but also to global strategic interests.

A March Towards the Viksit Bharat of 2047

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Viksit Bharat

Reflecting on Bharatiya Science and Technology, I cannot help thinking of the pioneering contributions of my friend, computer scientist Vijay Bhatkar, who played a crucial role in the late 1980s. He built the PARAM supercomputer against significant odds, showcasing the true strength of our science and technology. As we envision Science and Technology in Viksit Bharat 2047, we must embrace the spirit that drove the creation of the PARAM supercomputer.

As a member of Rajiv Gandhi’s Science Advisory Council, I recall him asking, “We are a poor country, but rich in what?” The unanimous answer was ‘intellect.’ Our discussion shifted to how this intellect could benefit Bharat. With supercomputers in their early stages globally, we saw an opportunity for Bharat to build its own, especially after the USA denied us this technology—fueling a strong sense of ‘technonationalism.’

Technonationalism is often driven by technology denial. Yet, the denial regime itself eventually changes as technonationalism strengthens a country’s technological foundation. Bharat’s journey into high-performance supercomputing under Vijay Bhatkar’s leadership is a remarkable example of this.

When the CRAY supercomputer was denied to Bharat by the USA in the mid-1980s, our response was to launch the Centre for Development of Advanced Computing (C-DAC) in 1987. By 1991, we developed our first indigenous supercomputer, PARAM 8000. Two key facts about PARAM 8000 are noteworthy. It was built at a cost lower than the imported CRAY computer and in less time than it would have taken to import and install a large computer system in India at that time!

But PARAM by C-DAC was not our only response to technology denial. We also had ‘Flowsolver’ by the National Aerospace Laboratories (NAL), ANUPAM by Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC), and ANURAG by Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO).

This long voyage into high-performance computing was fraught with difficulties: embargoes on critical components, architectural debates, make-versus-buy dilemmas, loss of key talent to multinationals, and bureaucratic hurdles. Yet, there is a direct correlation between India’s forays into supercomputing and the technology denial we faced.

After C-DAC demonstrated the PARAM-8000 in 1990, a Los Alamos report concluded that supercomputers were unnecessary for nuclear weapons design, prompting the US to take a step back. By 1991–1992, C-DAC had exported PARAM supercomputers to Canada, Germany, and Russia, while NAL’s FLOSOLVER Mk III and DRDO’s PACE matched US-made mid-range workstations. In December 1992, the US Office of Naval Research assessed our supercomputing capabilities in Bangalore, and by 1993, the US authorized conditional exports of high-performance computers to several Indian institutions, marking another retreat.

In 1995, the US placed parallel processing supercomputing on its list of items requiring an Indian export license. But by October that year, the US began to relax export controls, taking a third back step. In 1998, C-DAC launched PARAM 10,000, demonstrating our capacity to build 100-gigaflop machines. In response, the US further relaxed its export controls, and CRAY, the very company that had denied us supercomputers in the 1980s, established a subsidiary in Bharat!

There’s an old saying: “Strength respects strength.” India’s foray into supercomputers is a brilliant example of this. Once you demonstrate your strength and then extend your hand, others will be prepared to shake it. Dr. Bhatkar was one of the luminaries who demonstrated Bharat’s strength to the world. I still remember a headline from the Washington Post that read, “Angry India does it!” It was about the building of the PARAM supercomputer. And I often wonder—why isn’t India always angry?

As we march toward Viksit Bharat of 2047, we should hold onto this spirit of determination.

India’s foray into high-performance supercomputing exemplifies ‘denial-driven innovation,’ a trend seen in various fields of Bharatiya science and technology, such as nuclear, space, and cryogenic technology, all of which were initially denied to us. In response, we developed these technologies independently, showcasing our scientific resilience when faced with challenges.

While 2020 is often seen as the year of the pandemic, I view it as the year of Bharatiya science. Faced with minimal diagnostic capabilities and no vaccines or therapeutics, our scientists rapidly delivered vital information to decision-makers and developed indigenous technologies. From diagnostics and ventilators to drugs and vaccines, their monumental efforts came from startups, large enterprises, universities, and national research labs, showcasing a united front during the crisis.

I am particularly proud that Bharat didn’t ask for help during the pandemic; instead, Bharat helped the world. Covaxin, our indigenous vaccine, is a shining example. Bharat Biotech rose to the challenge and produced it on its own, while Serum Institute in Pune manufactured Covishield on a large scale. We accomplished our goal of 200 crore vaccinations independently. I call this ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat with Atmavishwas.’

That said, we must acknowledge the challenges we face: 70 percent of Bharat lives in villages, nearly 15 percent below the poverty line, every sixth urban resident lives in a slum, and 15 to 20 percent are illiterate. The pandemic highlighted the stark digital divide.

As Chair of the Mashelkar Committee on NEP 2020 implementation in Maharashtra, I proposed that digital access for the poor be recognized as a fundamental human right, arguing that the internet has become a basic need alongside food, clothing, and housing.

Through the ‘Anjani Mashelkar Inclusive Innovation Award’ I established in my mother’s name, I stress that while it’s easy to develop high technology for the wealthy or low technology for the poor, the real challenge lies in making high technology accessible to the poorest. This is what I define as “inclusive innovation” that ensures no one is left behind.

(The writer is former Director-General, Council of Scientific & Industrial Research. Views personal)

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