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Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Thackerays’ ‘Taandav’ for trees, tigers

AI generated image Mumbai: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray launched a sharp attack on the government for the systematic degradation of the state’s environment under the garb of development, even as the climate change poses a direct threat to the environment, economy, agriculture, public health and the future of both rural and urban centres. Questioning the state government’s claims of having planted millions of trees, he rued how the World Environment Day has been...

Thackerays’ ‘Taandav’ for trees, tigers

AI generated image Mumbai: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray launched a sharp attack on the government for the systematic degradation of the state’s environment under the garb of development, even as the climate change poses a direct threat to the environment, economy, agriculture, public health and the future of both rural and urban centres. Questioning the state government’s claims of having planted millions of trees, he rued how the World Environment Day has been reduced to an annual ritual of tree-planting drives and clicking selfies for social media, though 90 pc of the saplings don’t survive even a day. “Only the government knows where those trees really are,” said Raj sternly. He recalled a "Blueprint of Maharashtra’s Development" he had proposed in 2015, in which he advocated how development without environmental sensitivity is hollow. Justifying, he said that the consequences are visible where roads, bridges and infrastructure projects are hailed as achievements, but even a short spell of rainfall can paralyze entire cities. Referring to recent reports on farmers returning from the fields after 10 am due to the scorching heat, Raj said that the worsening climate crisis has become an everyday reality. Citing official statistics, Raj claimed that extreme heat has caused productivity losses of nearly USD 159 billion and slashing of 160 billion work-hours annually in recent years. He mentioned the World Bank estimates that India’s GDP could plummet by 2.5-4.5 pc while 57 pc of the country’s districts sheltering 76 pc of the population stare at serious climate-related crises. Taking a swipe, he said while the governments boast about growth figures and economical rankings, they are silent on the staggering costs of environmental destruction. He questioned the development model “whether flooded cities, washed-away crops and unbearable summers” genuinely indicate progress. Claiming that Maharashtra was increasingly becoming unliveable for upto 8 months in a year, he said excessive monsoon rains disrupt rural life and urban floods cripple cities, while extreme heat make normal life a torture in summers in both urban-rural areas. Targeting the Centre, Raj alleged that nearly 173,984 hectares of forest lands were diverted in the past 11 years for mining and infrastructure projects to benefit the PM’s single favourite Adani Group. He said that these lands amount to 1,730 sqkm, or equivalent to the area of 16 Sanjay Gandhi National Park (SGNP) that is spread over barely 104 sqkm. Dissolve state wildlife board: Aaditya Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray has accused the Maharashtra government for issuing a permit to carry out mining activity in the sensitive tiger corridor between the Tadoba-Andhari and Indravati sanctuaries housing the big striped cats. In a strongly-worded letter to the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) Member-Secretary Sanjay Kumar, Thackeray sought his immediate personal intervention, sacking the Maharashtra State Board for Wild-Life (SBWL), revoking the permit, and probe against the Chief Wildlife Warden & Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF) M. Srinivasa Reddy for the alleged lacunae. Aditya’s two-pager says the permit has been granted for “scientific exploration and excavation/systematic recovery of low-grade iron ore in existing mines in villages Hedri, Bande, Parsalgondi and Round Parsalgondi, in the Etapalli taluka of Gadchiroli district”. Last January, Aditya – MLA from Worli – had first raised the issue saying that the proposed mine would create only 120 jobs, including 32 permanent, and the estimated output is pegged at 1.1 million tons in a year. Referring to two letters of Reddy – on April 28 and May 21 – the SS (UBT) leader claimed that in communications to the state government, the PCCF had changed his stance on the issue. Aditya said that in the first letter, Reddy had effectively opposed the government plans for mining activity but in the second letter, he took a somersault, ostensibly due to government pressures or some commercial interests, “the U-turn is disgraceful and detrimental to India’s national interest” – and this abrupt shift in stance must be investigated thoroughly. In view of the contrary stance of the PCCF Reddy, entrusted with protecting the wildlife but failing to defend the NTCA and NBWL, point to serious malfunctioning of the SBWL, and hence it must be dissolved, besides reviewing all its decisions in the past three years, particularly those pertaining to hazardous activities in sensitive areas, demanded Aditya. 444 tigers roam in 11,000 sq.km As per the Status of Tiger Report (2002), and the Maharashtra Economic Survey 2025-2026, the state boasts of 444 tigers prowling in the wild along with other menacing creatures. The state’s total protected wildlife network of 88 Notified Areas of National Parks, Sanctuaries, and Conservation Reserves - including 6 dedicated to the striped big cats – is spread over 11,092 sq. kms as per current data.

A Winter Script in Nagpur

Nagpur’s curtailed winter session has shown the ruling Mahayuti to be firmly in command as an atrophied Opposition struggled to articulate a counter-narrative.

Maharashtra’s winter session which began in Nagpur this week was billed as the statutory opportunity for scrutiny, argument and legislative give-and-take. Instead, it has unfolded like a show staged with meticulous care by the ruling Mahayuti alliance. While the motions were duly observed, the spirit of contest evaporated almost immediately. The government kept a firm grip on the script while the Opposition, relegated to hecklers in the wings, struggled to command attention, much less influence outcomes.


From the start, the vacant post of the Leader of Opposition (LoP) was the main cause of battle between the Opposition and the ruling Mahayuti. The opposition parties were angry because these top roles were left empty. They felt the government was purposely ignoring them. However, the government said the opposition was just trying to waste time instead of talking about real problems.

 

Advantage Mahayuti

This set the mood for the whole week where it seemed the opposition were more concerned with posts and titles rather than cornering the ruling coalition on actual governance issues. This disagreement helped the ruling team look like they were the ones focused on actually running the state


Into this vacuum strode Devendra Fadnavis, the Chief Minister, eager to dominate the week’s narrative. He unveiled an array of policy intentions: a more muscular Shakti law to tackle crimes against women, a recalibration of traffic-violation penalties, and a hefty demand for supplementary funds to accelerate state projects. The CM’s objective was to keep discourse firmly within the government’s chosen frame and cast the administration as an energetic problem-solver.


Eknath Shinde, the Deputy Chief Minister, played a complementary dual role. In the House, he adopted a hard-nosed posture, brushing aside the Opposition’s protests over the LoP imbroglio as inconsequential distractions. He counterprogrammed with talk of development in Vidarbha, a region routinely coiffed with unfulfilled promises. But backstage, he was preparing for the electoral battles in Mumbai and other municipal bodies, where the Mahayuti must consolidate its gains. His muscular public messaging reassured loyalists and blunted opposition criticism, while he quietly worked the arithmetic of local politics.


Ajit Pawar, the second Deputy Chief Minister and the government’s fiscal helmsman, offered contrast by focusing squarely on numbers. He presented a supplementary expenditure outlay of Rs. 75,286 crore, a package pitched as technocratic and delivery-oriented. In a session otherwise dominated by political jousting, Pawar’s budgetary sobriety offered the alliance an anchor of administrative competence. It allowed the government to claim seriousness even as it choreographed political triumphs. 


Ineffectual Posturing

The opposition, meanwhile, managed sound but not substance. Its leaders protested the shortening of the session from two weeks to one, boycotted the government’s customary tea party and repeatedly raised the vacant LoP issue. These gestures demonstrated displeasure but did little to alter the balance of advantage. They pleased partisan loyalists but failed to resonate more broadly. Without an alternative agenda that might pierce public consciousness, the Opposition watched its complaints absorbed by the ruling alliance’s relentless narrative management.


Two factors explain the Mahayuti’s success in seizing control. First, legislative arithmetic: with a comfortable majority, the government faced little procedural resistance and could compress the session’s duration with minimal cost. This left the Opposition with less time to corner ministers or expose policy gaps. Second, media management: by rolling out ‘big ticket’ announcements, especially on women’s safety, the government ensured that public attention was directed towards themes of action and reform, not institutional imbalance or democratic contraction.


The question arises whether Fadnavis ‘captured’ the winter session? The answer depends on one’s threshold for legislative pluralism. For those who believe assemblies must function as arenas of accountability, the truncation of debate time is troubling. Robust scrutiny is difficult when the clock is shortened and procedural levers remain with the majority. But for those who insist that the state government should deliver swiftly on its legislative commitments, this week’s proceedings might appear as a model of administrative discipline.


Yet victory through compression is not without risks. Repeatedly shrinking legislative sittings could erode the perception of democratic health and embolden the opposition’s narrative of institutional sidelining. If these claims gain traction in the courts or the public sphere, the Mahayuti’s efficiency may be recast as authoritarian impatience. Moreover, grumbles within the alliance, particularly from leaders representing Vidarbha and Marathwada, who claim chronic neglect, could become louder. If intra-alliance frustrations spill over, they may complicate the ruling coalition’s image of cohesion.


For now, however, the government enjoys momentum. The winter session has given the Mahayuti an opportunity to showcase decisiveness, frame legislative priorities and prepare for upcoming municipal polls. The opposition has delivered symbolism, not strategy. Its protests have not coalesced into a critique that appeals beyond partisan boundaries. Until it articulates a coherent agenda rooted in public concerns like inflation, agrarian distress and job creation, it will continue to trail a ruling alliance that has mastered message discipline.


What Nagpur has shown is not merely the government’s dominance but its ability to orchestrate events. By controlling both tempo and theme, the Mahayuti has converted a legislative sitting into a political rehearsal for the months ahead. Whether this performance delivers dividends in the long run will depend on two tests: the efficacy of the laws rushed through this session, and the opposition’s ability to escape its procedural cul-de-sac. For now, though, the stage belongs unmistakably to the ruling alliance, and the winter session looks less like a debate than a production performed to script.


(The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

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