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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

Ashes and Answers

The Ahmedabad plane crash has prompted a state-led overhaul in victim support and aviation oversight.

Gujarat
Gujarat

In the aftermath of the Air India Flight AI 171 calamity that occurred in Ahmedabad, the Gujarat government has emerged not merely as a peripheral aid centre but as a central coordinator in managing the aftermath, thus transforming a state tragedy into a blueprint for rapid-response governance.


The crash, which claimed the lives of more than 270 individuals aboard and on the ground, has jolted not only aviation authorities and corporate headquarters, but also the state and local bureaucracy, which scrambled to mount a rapid and unusually coordinated response. In the weeks since, India has begun to draw lessons from the disaster about the fragility of high-tech aviation, the importance of local governance in moments of crisis and the need for systemic reform in both prevention and response.


Gujarat’s authorities established on-site death-certification desks, allowing families to receive paperwork and logistical support at hospitals without visiting multiple offices.


The integration extended to village patwaris issuing family relation cards on the spot, easing inheritance and estate issues. Thousands of DNA samples were collected in a coordinated effort with the Civil Hospital alone recording 47 matches.


That said, a number of relatives of the deceased have voiced frustration at delays. While the DNA matching, normally a 72-hour process, has been expedited, it nonetheless remains painstakingly methodical.


The Gujarat relief machinery has also fielded emotional aid. Officials have formed 230 teams, each led by deputy collectors or tehsildars, to support families through ambulance facilitation and grief counselling. Mental health relief has become a core element of their strategy, acknowledging trauma not only for mourners but also for survivors of the hostel buildings hit by the jet.


The disastrous incident has led, in many ways, for the Gujarat government to set the template for national structures currently taking shape to manage the aftermath of such events.


A fairly unprecedented parliamentary committee is being assembled to quiz Air India, Boeing, and the DGCA, aiming for enhanced aviation safety measures from take-off protocols to maintenance audits. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Civil Aviation has tasked a multidisciplinary panel to complete a probe within three months.


The pressing need of the hour are wide-ranging institutional reforms. On the operational front, the DGCA has mandated additional inspections on Air India’s entire 787 fleet. Eight aircraft have been checked so far, focusing on potential issues with engine thrust, flap mechanics, and take-off configurations.


Yet the more remarkable story unfolded in the hospitals and municipal offices. Drawing on hard-earned experience from past disasters, officials moved quickly to sidestep India’s notoriously sclerotic bureaucracy. The ‘single window system’ for death certificates and insurance claims has been extended to include help desks staffed by nodal officers from New India Insurance, LIC, and HDFC Life - all set up at the Civil Hospital. Thus, what might have been another bureaucratic logjam has become a prototype of responsive governance.


Meanwhile, the state’s ATS and NSG quickly retrieved the plane’s black boxes and the digital flight data recorder. Their recovery from the rooftop and tail section was a crucial step in aiding relay to the AAIB and contributing to the preliminary probe.


Gujarat’s governance choreography under pressure has attracted nods for its precision and empathy. Its disaster management template, which has been a fusion of hospital-based services, legal expedience, psychological relief and frontline coordination, may now inform national protocols and international best practice for aviation disasters.


Yet authorities face pressing practical challenges. Identification delays persist and families wait to perform rites together. There are questions that loom, like how deeply will safety reforms penetrate the tangled web of maintenance regimes, and will Gujarat’s crisis management playbook endure beyond this tragedy?


Still, the most lasting impact may not be in the air but on the ground. In a country too often paralysed by post-disaster administrative inertia, the handling of Flight AI 171’s aftermath offers a model of what a responsive, human-centric state can look like. The integration of technology, forensics, and local governance created a rare moment of dignity amid devastation. That it took a tragedy to reveal this capacity is a sobering fact.

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