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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Manufactured Martyrs

The attempt by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) to turn activist Sonam Wangchuk into the next Anna Hazare has exposed how manufactured symbolism cannot compensate for the absence of genuine public outrage. What began as a grievance over the NEET paper leak, one of India’s gravest examination scandals in recent times, has drifted into an exercise in political pageantry, where the cause has been eclipsed by its chosen mascots. Wangchuk’s indefinite hunger strike was plainly meant to recreate a...

Manufactured Martyrs

The attempt by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) to turn activist Sonam Wangchuk into the next Anna Hazare has exposed how manufactured symbolism cannot compensate for the absence of genuine public outrage. What began as a grievance over the NEET paper leak, one of India’s gravest examination scandals in recent times, has drifted into an exercise in political pageantry, where the cause has been eclipsed by its chosen mascots. Wangchuk’s indefinite hunger strike was plainly meant to recreate a familiar script where an allegedly unassuming public figure embraces personal sacrifice and a reluctant government buckles under mounting moral pressure. But history does not repeat itself on command. Anna Hazare’s fast in 2011 succeeded not because fasting possesses mystical political powers, but because it rode a tidal wave of public anger against corruption. Millions identified with the cause. That equation is conspicuously absent today. The platform that ought to have belonged to students who suffered from the NEET paper leak, or to parents whose children bore its consequences, instead became crowded with the usual constellation of professional activists, ideological campaigners and political fellow travellers. The faces dominating the stage were not those most directly affected by the scandal. A movement demanding educational accountability gradually came to look like another gathering of Delhi’s permanently aggrieved activist class. Even Wangchuk appeared to sense the contradiction. During the protest he reportedly lamented that while he was observing an indefinite fast, many around him were happily eating meals, urging at least a token one-day fast in solidarity. Successful protest movements depend upon authenticity. Once the public begins suspecting that an individual is being deployed less as a leader than as a moral accessory for someone else’s ideological project, sympathy quickly evaporates. Nor does Wangchuk arrive without controversy. Questions have been raised over the cancellation of the FCRA licence of SECMOL, the educational organisation associated with him, and over allegations regarding subsequent foreign funding arrangements. Critics have also challenged aspects of the carefully cultivated public mythology surrounding his achievements, from the origins of the ice-stupa concept to the popular belief that he inspired the protagonist of 3 Idiots. These matters deserve scrutiny on their own merits rather than hagiography or character assassination. The greater failure here surely belongs to the protest’s organisers. The CJP has mistaken optics for momentum and symbolism for public sentiment. Instead of allowing the victims of the NEET scandal to speak for themselves, they attempted to manufacture another national conscience by placing a familiar face at the centre of the stage. Political legitimacy cannot be outsourced to celebrity. Nor can mass movements be assembled from social-media influencers and habitual protesters. Anna Hazare became powerful because the public chose him. Attempts to manufacture his successor merely underline how rare such moments really are.

Bangladeshis in Our Cities: The Hidden Migrant Crisis

Updated: Jan 2, 2025

Bangladeshis

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has resolved to crack down on illegal Bangladeshi immigrants in Mumbai. But who are these immigrants, how many are there?


The numbers remain elusive. Various estimates suggest tens of thousands—possibly even hundreds of thousands—reside in the Mumbai metropolitan area. To the discerning eye, they are everywhere: in bustling bazaars, on construction sites, in restaurants and even at municipal waste centers. From fruit sellers at Vashi Plaza to labourers in Navi Mumbai’s residential complexes, the prevalence of Bangladeshi workers is striking. They often blend into the urban tapestry, presenting themselves as migrants from West Bengal or Assam, aided by fake Indian identity documents acquired through corrupt networks.


The motivations for migration are clear. Bangladesh’s dense population and limited economic opportunities drive people to India, where they take up low-paying jobs often spurned by locals. Construction work, domestic help, street vending and small-scale factory jobs are dominated by these migrants. Their willingness to accept lower wages and poor working conditions creates resentment among Indians displaced from such roles.


The impact of illegal immigration extends beyond employment. In cities like Mumbai, infrastructure and public services are already stretched to breaking point. Schools, hospitals and public transport groan under the weight of an ever-increasing population. Bangladeshi children admitted under quotas for economically weaker sections have begun to crowd classrooms in private schools, while public hospitals are overwhelmed by patients lacking documentation or legal residency.


The security implications are equally troubling. Law enforcement agencies periodically arrest Bangladeshi nationals involved in criminal activities, including theft, smuggling, and even militancy. The arrest of undocumented migrants, however, rarely results in deportation. Deportation remains a bureaucratic quagmire, hindered by poor cooperation between Indian and Bangladeshi authorities.


There are darker undercurrents too. Some immigrants have been linked to extremist networks or act as conduits for espionage. Instances of radical preaching by Bangladeshi clerics in Indian cities highlight the potential for ideological subversion. For decades, illegal Bangladeshi migration has been entwined with Indo-Bangladesh relations. The initial wave, in the 1980s, was reportedly aided by underworld syndicates that used migrants as couriers, enforcers or sex workers.


Identifying these migrants can be difficult, particularly as many speak Bengali and adopt Indian-sounding nicknames to avoid detection. Their fluency in Hindi and Urdu further complicates matters. Yet subtle differences in dialect and cultural practices occasionally reveal their origins to those with a trained eye.


India faces a dilemma. On one hand, illegal Bangladeshi immigrants fill a labour gap in roles that are unattractive to locals. On the other, they strain already limited resources, disrupt labour markets and pose security threats. Successive governments have struggled to implement coherent policies, oscillating between rhetoric and sporadic crackdowns.


Addressing the issue requires more than ad hoc measures. India needs robust border management, effective bilateral dialogue with Bangladesh and streamlined deportation processes. Corruption among local officials must be curbed. For now, the sight of Bangladeshis labouring in anonymity remains a common one in India’s metropolises. Unless structural reforms accompany political will, the question of illegal immigration will remain unanswered.


(The author runs an NGO, Society for Economic and Entrepreneurship Development. Views personal.)

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