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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Bank accounts, realty deals under SIT lens

Quaid Najmi
Mar 26
3 min read

Mumbai: The Special Investigation Team (SIT) probing self-styled godman Ashok Kharat has widened its investigation, turning the spotlight on his financial empire with a detailed scrutiny of bank accounts held by him, his family and close associates.


Investigators have so far identified five bank accounts linked to Kharat across major lenders: State Bank of India, Union Bank of India, ICICI Bank, Saraswat Bank and Vishwas Cooperative Bank. These accounts hold deposits totalling Rs 40.87 crore and are now under the scanner to trace sources, transaction trails and possible beneficiaries.


Sleuths suspect that the accounts may reveal financial links to a web of property deals, investments and other transactions — both legitimate and dubious — and the SIT is now examining possible offences such as tax evasion and money laundering.


Earlier this week, the SIT informed a Nashik court that raids carried out at Kharat’s office, farmhouse and other premises led to the seizure of Rs 6.53 lakh in cash, two laptops, multiple mobile phones, a DVR system, hidden cameras, and gold ornaments — 20 tolas from his wife and 12 tolas in his name.


Simultaneously, Kharat’s chartered accountants, Prashant Palde and Kiran Kataria, told investigators that the accused had travelled extensively abroad in recent years, visiting countries including the United States, France, Australia, UAE, Peru, Malaysia, Indonesia and more.


The SIT has also approached the Inspector General of Stamps, Pune, to help detect additional properties linked to Kharat and his network.


Realty Investments

So far, the investigators have uncovered a sprawling portfolio of realty investments comprising agriculture, commercial, bungalows, flats, etc., spread in Nashik, Pune, Ahilyanagar and even Raigad, standing in the names of Kharat or his family or certain business associates.


They include: 33 acres of land and a farmhouse (Mirgaon); 10 acres of land (Pathardi village); 6 acres (Sinnar); 4.5 acres in own name and 5.5 acres (Shirdi and Kakadi); an 800-sq.ft flat and a bungalow in Karmayogi Nagar (Nashik); plots totalling 12 gunthas (around 12,000 feet in Ojhar); 6 gunthas (Adgaon, Nashik); 11 gunthas in daughter Shrusti’s name and a plot (Sangamner and Pune); a 180 sq.ft office at Canada Corner (Nashik); a marriage hall in partnership with others (Shirdi); 6 acres as a joint partner with five others (Sinnar).


Public Prosecutor Ajay Missar told the court that the SIT is probing whether more undisclosed assets exist, while also examining if questionable transactions led to losses to the public exchequer. Authorities are coordinating with the Income Tax Department as part of the financial probe.


One transaction under the radar involves a two-hectare agricultural plot in Mirgaon, donated to Kharat’s Shri Shivnika Sansthan Trust by a Mumbai-based devotee. The land was reportedly purchased in May 2019 for Rs 24 lakh and transferred to the trust almost immediately through a gift deed.


However, the same gift deed document pegged the land’s market value at Rs 32 lakh — a shocking jump of Rs 8 lakh within hours — raising red flags over possible irregularities or manipulation in valuation, with likely connivance of officials. The Shri Ishaneshwar Temple on the land was constructed in 2009–2010, allegedly using public contributions, as claimed by several political leaders.

 

Fear of ‘Elimination’

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve has raised concerns, alleging that those exposed in the recovered videos could attempt to eliminate the godman — currently in police custody. Danve claimed that as more explicit material surfaces, individuals implicated in the videos may ‘join hands to silence him through an extra-judicial killing to prevent further revelations.’

 

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