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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment...

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment as the state in-charge is a masterstroke of political rehabilitation and trust. While many political pundits anticipated Tawde might replace Dharmendra Pradhan in the Modi cabinet, the high command had a far more vital organizational mission in mind for the leader who, remarkably, found himself politically uprooted from his home turf of Maharashtra barely seven years ago. Serving as the Education Minister in the Devendra Fadnavis-led Maharashtra government, Tawde was a prominent and powerful face of the state BJP. However, the political winds shifted abruptly prior to the 2019 assembly elections. In a move that shocked many, his portfolios were drastically curtailed and handed over to Ashish Shelar, followed by the ultimate political blow: he was denied a ticket to contest from his stronghold constituency of Borivali. Whispers of a fierce, underlying political rivalry with Fadnavis flooded political circles, with widespread speculation suggesting that the Chief Minister had orchestrated the systematic downsizing of Tawde’s administrative influence to neutralize a potential competitor. Faced with a sudden, humiliating political exile, Tawde stood at a crossroads where many regional leaders opt for rebellion. Instead, he chose the path of extreme discipline, absorbing the setback and redirecting his focus entirely on national politics. Leveraging his deep, foundational roots in the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), Tawde utilized his vast organizational network—a residual strength that survived his loss of ministerial power. His political resurrection was championed by the then-BJP President J.P. Nadda, a fellow ABVP alumnus who shared a profound camaraderie with the exiled leader. Recognizing his untapped potential, Nadda brought him to Delhi, initiating a comeback that began with his appointment as the Haryana in-charge in 2020 and culminated in his rapid elevation to National General Secretary in 2021. Tawde’s tenure as an organizational architect quickly yielded dividends. After stabilizing the party apparatus in Haryana, he was thrown into the politically volatile cauldron of Bihar in 2022. The BJP was navigating an exceptionally hostile environment marred by the shifting allegiances of Nitish Kumar and the looming shadow of the RJD. Immersing himself in booth-level micro-management and delicate alliance negotiations, Tawde orchestrated a remarkable consolidation. His strategic maneuvers were instrumental when Nitish Kumar eventually returned to the NDA fold in 2023, paving the way for the coalition’s formidable performance in the subsequent 2024 Lok Sabha and 2025 Bihar Assembly elections. As his stock rose, the central leadership began entrusting him with prestige assignments that transcended typical state electoral politics. Tawde emerged as a highly effective backroom coordinator during the 2022 presidential election of Droupadi Murmu, seamlessly managing cross-party liaisons across multiple states. He replicated this managerial success during C.P. Radhakrishnan’s vice-presidential election in 2025. Beyond electoral arithmetic, Tawde spearheaded massive national outreach initiatives, leading the ‘Sanghatan Parv 2024’ membership drive and coordinating complex central campaigns ranging from ‘Har Ghar Tiranga’ to the delicate domestic communications during ‘Operation Ganga’ in Ukraine. Vinod Tawde has not merely returned from the political wilderness; he has conquered it, transforming a harsh regional sidelining into an undisputed mandate at the very heart of the nation’s political epicenter.

Beyond the 50-Metre Rule

Maharashtra’s junk-food ban near schools is a welcome start, but tackling childhood obesity will require action far beyond the gates.

The Maharashtra government’s recent move to ban the sale, advertisement, and distribution of junk food within 50 meters of schools is a welcome step in the fight against childhood obesity and bad nutrition. The ruling is clear and loud: schools should be encouraging healthy practices, not promoting harmful consumption. The order is also significant for its scale. It applies to government, aided and private schools across the state and covers nearly 1.08 lakh schools and around two crore students.


But the proposal poses a deeper question: Will banning junk foods in schools alone make children healthier? The answer is no, not because the restriction is silly, but because bad eating patterns are the product of a much larger ecosystem that extends way beyond the school gates. If the state is serious about keeping its children healthy, it has to develop a holistic school nutrition strategy that accounts for food surroundings, education, economics and lifestyle.


Radical Shift

India is undergoing a change in diet. Public health policy for decades has been about malnutrition and food insecurity. These continue, but are now joined by a growing epidemic of childhood overweight and obesity. The scale of this transition is becoming harder to ignore. UNICEF reported in 2025 that overweight and obesity among Indian adolescent girls rose from 2.4 per cent to 5.4 per cent between NFHS-3 and NFHS-5, while among adolescent boys it rose from 1.7 per cent to 6.6 per cent. India could have more than 27 million children and adolescents aged 5–19 living with obesity by 2030.


This represents a profound change in the nature of India’s nutrition problem. The country is increasingly dealing with the wrong kind of food, consumed in the wrong quantities and under increasingly unhealthy circumstances. The old problems of undernutrition and micronutrient deficiency are now existing alongside overweight and obesity, sometimes even within the same household.


The Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) and National Institute of Nutrition (NIN) have repeatedly warned about unhealthy diets and their contribution to non-communicable diseases. The latest Dietary Guidelines for Indians also distinguish foods high in excessive fat and added sugar as high-fat, sugar and salt (HFSS) foods. Children and adolescents consuming such foods in excess are at increased risk of obesity, Type 2 diabetes, hypertension, and cardiovascular diseases.


Urbanization, increasing disposable incomes, and aggressive marketing of ultra-processed foods have all impacted children’s diets. The change is not merely a matter of personal preference. Food companies have become extraordinarily effective at placing inexpensive, convenient and highly palatable products in front of children. The colourful packaging, celebrity endorsements, and digital advertising make packaged snacks and sugary drinks far more attractive than traditional healthy foods. UNICEF noted in 2025 that three-quarters of young people surveyed had seen advertising for sugary drinks, fast food or snacks in the preceding week, with social media emerging as a particularly important channel.


The economics of this shift matter too. Ultra-processed food is increasingly available, portable and relatively easy to consume, while healthier food can require time, preparation and, in some circumstances, more money. The Indian Economic Survey 2024-25 noted that the market for ultra-processed foods had grown dramatically, from about $900 million in 2006 to $37.9 billion in 2019.


Healthier Norms

Maharashtra’s decision is therefore both relevant and necessary in this context. Schools are places where children develop lifelong habits. Limiting children’s access to unhealthy food at school can help reduce impulse purchases and help establish healthier behavioural norms. The FSSAI’s draft guidelines for school children had proposed restricting or limiting the availability of common HFSS foods within schools and the area within 50 metres of them. Its Eat Right School programme similarly seeks to inculcate healthier eating habits through classroom and extracurricular activities.


But the success of the 50-meter rule will be largely dependent on how it is implemented. If kids want to buy chips, sugary drinks, or candy, they can just walk a little farther. Vendors who are displaced from one location may move just outside the restricted area. The policing could end up being symbolic unless there is constant monitoring and collaboration of schools and parents.


More importantly, removing harmful foods without offering healthier alternatives could have unintended consequences. Many school canteens still sell refined carbohydrates, deep-fried snacks, and sugar-sweetened beverages because they are cheap, popular, and profitable. If schools want kids to avoid unhealthy foods, they have to provide affordable and attractive nutritious options. Fresh fruits, sprouts, whole-grain snacks, milk, buttermilk, and locally made healthful meals should be the order of the day. FSSAI itself has stressed that balanced, fresh and traditional foods should not be displaced by frequent consumption of foods high in salt, sugar and fat.


It’s not only about regulation but also about awareness that determines food choices. Children who understand how sugar, salt, and harmful fats affect their health are more likely to make informed choices throughout their lives. These themes can be reinforced outside of the classroom through embedding practical nutrition lessons into school curricula, hosting healthy culinary demonstrations, and engaging parents in awareness campaigns. FSSAI’s Eat Right School programme already provides a framework for this kind of age-appropriate nutrition education.


Parents are at the heart of any successful intervention. Most bad eating habits begin in the home. Schools can promote healthier habits, but they are not a substitute for nurturing home environments.


Physical exercise is another missing element of the dialogue. Healthy eating and physical activity go together. But academic pressures, smaller playgrounds, and more dependence on digital gadgets have diminished opportunities for children to exercise regularly. According to the World Health Organization, children and adolescents aged 5–17 should average at least 60 minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity a day, with muscle- and bone-strengthening activity included regularly. Many Indian students are still struggling to achieve this goal. Any nutritional strategy should therefore be complemented by investments in sports infrastructure and organized physical education.


Food Ecology

The larger food ecology also needs tending. Children are exposed to food advertising not only at schools but also on television, social media, gaming platforms, and influencer content. Restricting sales of junk food around educational institutions only addresses one source of exposure. Better front-of-pack nutrition labelling, increased transparency about food ingredients, and tighter controls on the marketing of unhealthy meals to children could all support families to make healthier choices. UNICEF and its partners have specifically called for measures including stronger nutrition labelling, restrictions on junk-food marketing and greater nutrition literacy among children and young people.


There is also a socioeconomic aspect that politicians cannot ignore. Many families can afford processed snacks; they’re easy and widely available. Healthy foods are often more expensive or require more preparation. Regulations aimed at improving health outcomes may actually worsen inequities if nutrition options are not affordable and accessible across economic strata. Instead of being focused mainly on punitive measures, public policy can help local food vendors, school kitchens, and small enterprises to provide healthier options.


Maharashtra’s initiative should be seen as the beginning of the conversation. It understands that children’s health needs more policy attention and that schools are critical to creating healthier futures. But to succeed in the long term, it will need to be a comprehensive strategy involving legislation, public awareness and more community involvement.


Healthy schools are not created by removing bad choices, but by creating conditions where the better choice is the easier choice. If Maharashtra's programme manages to deliver such a sweeping reform, it will have done much more than just enforce a 50-metre rule: it will have laid the foundation for a healthier generation.


(The writer is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis, ESG research and energy policy. Views personal.)

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