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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as...

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as independents, setting the stage for high-stakes, multi-cornered contests. Mahayuti Turmoil The Mahayuti alliance, comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and the Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is grappling with rebellion on multiple fronts. In the critical Nagpur Graduates constituency, a traditional BJP stronghold, former BJP MLC and Nagpur Mayor Anil Sole has thrown a spanner in the works by filing his nomination as an independent candidate. This move directly challenges the official BJP candidate, Sudhakar Kohale. While the BJP leadership, including state president Ravindra Chavan, has attempted to downplay the situation, asserting that Sole has been "pacified," the former MLC's actions tell a different story. Sole's decision to contest independently is particularly significant given his long-standing association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his previous stint as a BJP MLC from the very same constituency. The situation is equally complicated in the Amravati Teachers constituency. The Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) has officially fielded Kiran Sarnaik. However, adding to the confusion, Sangita Shinde, sister of BJP MP Anil Bonde, has also entered the fray, potentially splitting the Mahayuti vote. The opposition MVA is also facing its share of internal discord here. While the Congress has nominated Aditi Pohre, daughter of former minister Harshvardhan Deshmukh, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has fielded Dattatray Lahane. The presence of numerous candidates representing various teachers' organizations further complicates the electoral arithmetic in this constituency. Opposition Rebellion The Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar Graduates constituency has witnessed another surprise development. While the NCP's sitting MLC, Satish Chavan, was widely considered the frontrunner, the BJP's M.K. Deshmukh has unexpectedly filed his nomination as a rebel candidate, catching the Mahayuti leadership completely off guard. The MVA, too, is facing rebellion in this constituency. Although the seat was officially allocated to the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Dilip Ghuge has also filed his nomination, causing significant heartburn within the opposition alliance. The Pune constituencies present a microcosm of the larger alliance troubles. In the Pune Graduates constituency, the BJP has fielded Dr. Smita Jadhav, the daughter-in-law of Pratap Singh Jadhav, owner of the 'Pudhari' news group and niece of Congress leader Satej Patil. Adding intrigue to this contest is the fact that she is contesting against Harshada Deshmukh-Jadhav, the official candidate of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction). However, the real drama is unfolding in the Pune Teachers constituency. The BJP's official candidate, Koustubh Gawde, is facing a formidable challenge from Mangesh Chiwate, a close confidant of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Chiwate, a former journalist who handled the CM's medical aid cell while Shinde was the CM, has claimed that his party leadership has provided him with the crucial 'AB' form, signaling official backing. Commenting on the chaotic situation, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis acknowledged that seat-sharing talks remained inconclusive in some areas but expressed hope that the alliance partners would eventually reach an agreement. The true picture of the electoral battlefield will only emerge after Friday, October 9th, the last date for the withdrawal of nominations. Until then, both alliances will be working overtime to contain the rebellions and present a united front, but the deep cracks exposed by these developments suggest that the upcoming MLC elections will be fiercely contested and highly unpredictable.

Beyond the Babas: Unpacking India’s New-Age Spiritual Market

3 hours ago
5 min read

The rise of new-age spiritual entrepreneurs is the direct result of a society seeking human guidance in an era without spiritual giants.

Over the past few weeks, India has been witnessing back-to-back controversies connected with “Babajis” and “Matajis” – men and women claiming special spiritual credentials and, sometimes, healing powers too. In a relatively short span of time, these characters gained large followings, with political patronage across party lines arriving close behind, largely thanks to high-skilled use of social media platforms and celebrity-driven PR exercises. Now several of these characters criss-cross the country, often at the invitation of elected officials, and offer Katha-s (colloquial interpretations of scriptures) or Pravachan-s (sermons and spiritual counsel), frequently laced with pontifications on everything under the sun, from food habits to choice of partners. For brevity and easy reference, let us call them New-Age Spiritual Entrepreneurs (NASE).


At the moment, social media platforms are inundated with reels and posts that either decry or expose these fly-by-night “holy” individuals and their “spiritual” enterprises, the NASE-s. Many well-intentioned users, and some bad-faith (pun intended) ones, bemoan the mushrooming of these upstarts across the length and breadth of the country. Some decriers suggest a close link between the rise of this phenomenon and the current political dispensation that claims Hindutva as its ideological source code. In a developing country like ours, where religion has been a defining factor in shaping societal and historical experiences, establishing a correlation between politics and religion comes easily and naturally to commentators. But correlation implies not causation – at least not necessarily, not all the time. To understand the sociological causes behind the mushrooming of NASE-s, one needs to look deeper than this superficial linking of religion with politics. As a rule, political praxis follows and responds to the exigencies of time. Therefore, the apparent link between politics and the proliferation of NASE-s is more of a symptom rather than the malaise ailing our society.


Capturing a celebrity cricketer or film star with one or more NASE-s on camera, or digging out old photographs of them appearing together, and then conjecturing/complaining about the PR exercises they may or may not have been part of – all these ‘gotcha’ elements can fetch social media traction, or create newsroom sensation at best, but these cannot accurately characterise or explain the social problem at the root. In fact, the mushrooming of NASEs across the country over the last couple of decades is not explained entirely by the rise of social media, any specific political dispensation, or the generous flow of cash into the sector. This is because NASE, as an overall phenomenon, predates both the social media revolution and the alleged Hindutva upsurge in the country, and in several cases, an NASE has humble origins.


Market Imbalance

So what is it that caused NASE to grow at an almost exponential rate in recent years? I suggest that it is much more than a chance concurrence of the three factors mentioned above – namely, social media revolution, conducive political environment, and cash flow – and much less about some particular celebrity attending some particular Babaji’s durbar to give the latter a PR boost. Instead, it is about the average aspirational Indian, slowly but surely coming out of poverty, seeking spiritual food – something only a human guide, a ‘guru ’, can offer – without negating materiality as “impure” or a hindrance on the path to attain a spiritually fulfilling life. It is about such seeking, the resulting desperation of not finding anyone better. In other words, it is a supply-side problem in the country’s ‘social marketplace’, where we have disproportionately more aspirational citizens than we have spiritual leaders who can effectively guide them. And since Hindus are still the majority religious-identity group in this country, it should be recognised and acknowledged largely as a failure of Hindu spiritual leadership.


Who exactly are these “aspirational citizens”? We should not delude ourselves into thinking that only the country’s burgeoning middle class comprises the group seeking a specific kind of spiritual succour. The lower middle class, and even lower-income groups further down the economic ladder, are also showing a spiritual hankering. Of course, one can identify the more well-to-do sections of this demand-side demographic as largely defining the specific type of spiritual demand here, and the other classes following suit. The percolation of this demand down the various levels of social strata is duly facilitated by both mainstream and social media platforms, now more easily accessible to all classes than ever due to affordable, near-universal mobile internet connectivity.


What, now, is the nature of the spiritual demand that these groups have? We must recognise that their demand is not a trade-off between religious piety and material prosperity. Such a trade-off may have existed in colonial times and in the four or five decades following India’s political independence, but its character has changed in the recent decades. The middle class and several lower-income groups, galvanised by their new aspiration to attain spiritual guidance without dispensing with material pursuits, end up looking for an accessible ‘guru’ who speaks to them more directly and colloquially, without middlemen, appealing to established ethical and aesthetic standards in their specific cultural contexts. The inevitable result of such overwhelming demands in the social marketplace is the emergence of NASE-s.


Empty Throne

So far so good. The problem arises when the NASE comes with considerable business acumen but little first-hand spiritual insight. Human yearning for “food for the spirit” is such that no idea or image of God alone can satisfy it – it needs the human presence. Godly ideals can spread among the multitudes only when they are embodied in the human form, lived in the flesh and blood, and demonstrated through the trials and tribulations of human life. This holds regardless of religious or cultural location, but it is especially true for Indian civilisation, which has contributed to the world of religious ideas and ideals the unique concept of recurrent Avatarhood of God for the express purpose of humanity’s emancipation. India has a special hankering for God in the human form – be it in the mode of the Avatar (such as Rama or Krishna) or in the mode of the guru (such as Adi Shankaracharya or Swami Vivekananda).


It should also be noted that India has not been blessed with any remarkable spiritual figure of the stature of Sri Ramakrishna or Ramana Maharshi since their passing. There have been gurus who have mobilised specific sections of Indian society, even visionaries who have offered new spiritual interpretations of Hinduism’s age-old traditions, but hardly has there been the all-encompassing spiritual genius with the capacity to cater to one and all – not since the two giants mentioned above, who have been described as ‘Avatars’ by many a discerning soul. And it’s been some time since that. Naturally, present-day India has grown a deep hunger, an unquenchable thirst in her spirit. NASE-s have merely tried to fill in that gaping void. But this is one field where derivative skills yield no real results. In fact, they often do more harm than good.

 

It seems that India has to wait longer. There may yet come a time when the spiritual genius of India rises again and embraces everyone as per their need and capacity – spiritual as well as material, or better still, spiritual through the material – without evincing pride or prejudice.


(The writer is a Kolkata-based educator, writer, researcher and musician. Views personal.)

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