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By:

Shreesh Deopujari

31 January 2026 at 12:57:54 pm

Why the Three-Language Formula Deserves Support

The real issue is not opposition to foreign languages but the need for balance. The ongoing debate over the implementation of the Three-Language Formula (R–3) in Class IX by the Central Board of Secondary Education is not merely an educational matter. It is closely linked to India’s cultural continuity, cognitive development, constitutional spirit and educational inclusiveness. The Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed against this policy raises concerns. It reflects how a limited yet...

Why the Three-Language Formula Deserves Support

The real issue is not opposition to foreign languages but the need for balance. The ongoing debate over the implementation of the Three-Language Formula (R–3) in Class IX by the Central Board of Secondary Education is not merely an educational matter. It is closely linked to India’s cultural continuity, cognitive development, constitutional spirit and educational inclusiveness. The Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed against this policy raises concerns. It reflects how a limited yet influential section of society is attempting to obstruct an educational reform intended to benefit the overwhelming majority of Indian students. The petition advocates the teaching of foreign languages from Class VI onwards so that children of affluent families may pursue higher education in countries such as Germany, France and Japan.
India is not merely a political union but an ancient civilisational nation founded on linguistic diversity and cultural interconnectedness. Indian languages are more than mediums of communication. They carry knowledge traditions accumulated over millennia, along with values, science, art, literature, folk wisdom and cultural consciousness. Any educational policy that strengthens Indian languages, in effect, strengthens India itself. The implementation of R–3 in Class IX is consistent with the vision of the National Education Policy 2020. The policy considers multilingualism, mother-tongue-based education and the promotion of Indian languages as the foundation of holistic education and national integration. It is based on research showing that students learn more effectively, think more deeply and develop more fully within a familiar linguistic environment. Opposition to this policy appears limited. It may consist of only one or two per cent of students, institutions, publishers or urban elites whose educational orientation favours foreign languages. Every citizen has the democratic right to express concerns and opinions. However, it is important to consider whether the preferences of a small minority should deprive ninety-eight or ninety-nine per cent of students of the opportunity to continue studying an Indian language they have already learnt up to Class VIII. This issue is not about opposing foreign languages. India has always welcomed global knowledge traditions. Sanskrit scholars studied Greek astronomy. Indian mathematicians engaged with Persian and Arabic scholarship. Even today, Indian students learn numerous international languages, including English. The real issue is one of balance. A nation that neglects its own languages gradually weakens its cultural self-confidence, intellectual autonomy and social inclusiveness. The continuation of Indian language education up to Class X offers several benefits: Cognitive Development: Multilingual education enhances memory, creativity, analytical ability and problem-solving skills. Students proficient in multiple Indian languages often perform better in higher education and social participation. Social Inclusion: Indian languages democratise education. Excessive glorification of foreign languages creates artificial educational elitism, leaving rural, tribal and economically disadvantaged students at a disadvantage. Cultural Continuity: Languages preserve literature, folklore, philosophy, local knowledge and ethical traditions. Distancing students from their languages is equivalent to distancing them from their roots. National Integration: The study of Indian languages promotes mutual understanding among regions and strengthens emotional unity within India’s diversity. Educational Equality: Millions of students have already studied an Indian language up to Class VIII. Allowing them to continue for two more years ensures continuity and deeper proficiency. The litigation may also convey an unfortunate message. It suggests that Indian languages are somehow secondary to foreign languages. Such a mentality runs contrary to the spirit of Atmanirbhar Bharat, founded on cultural self-confidence and intellectual independence. National unity is more important than the private interests of any individual or group. Institutions teaching foreign languages are readily available both physically and online. However, the status of Indian languages must never be diminished. There is a need for a nationwide public awareness movement in support of Indian languages. Educational institutions, teachers, parents, scholars, cultural organisations and civil society should actively support R–3. Awareness about the importance of Indian languages should be promoted through social media, print media, digital platforms, seminars and public discussions. Schools and institutions can contribute by:• Organising discussions and seminars on Indian language education.• Publishing articles, posters and videos supporting multilingual education.• Encouraging creative expression in Indian languages.• Promoting awareness of the constitutional and educational importance of linguistic diversity. India’s linguistic diversity is not a burden. It is one of the greatest strengths of this civilisation. Policies that strengthen Indian languages are not instruments of exclusion but means of national inclusion. Supporting the implementation of R–3 by the CBSE is therefore not merely support for an educational policy. It is support for educational justice, cultural continuity, intellectual pluralism and the future of India’s civilisational identity. (The writer is Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh of Samskrita Bharati.)

Blade Hype

The Maharashtra government has trumpeted the acquisition of 18th C. Maratha leader Raghuji Bhosale’s sword from a London auction house as a “historic victory.” Cultural Affairs Minister Ashish Shelar flew to Britain to collect the artefact, which will arrive in Mumbai on August 18 under police escort and motorcycle convoy, culminating in a public celebration at a cultural academy. A similar swell of fanfare had attended the government’s earlier retrieval (on loan) of a wagh nakh (tiger claw) from the Victoria and Albert Museum, supposedly used by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj to kill Afzal Khan.


Both episodes have been dressed up as moments of political and cultural triumph. The rhetoric is thick with the language of victory, honour and “bringing home” lost treasures. Yet there is less here for the state to pat itself on the back about than the breathless tone suggests. The sword was not secured through some deft diplomatic manoeuvre or a concession from a reluctant foreign power. It was purchased at an open auction in Britain, just as any wealthy collector or institution could have done. The wagh nakh, too, was not really ‘reclaimed’; it remains the property of the V&A and is in India only on a fixed-term loan. Diplomatic repatriations of cultural heritage, whether India’s retrieval of the Koh-i-Noor were it ever to occur, or Greece’s campaign for the Elgin Marbles, are hard-fought and symbolically charged affairs requiring years of negotiation. Winning an auction is essentially a commercial transaction. The notion that Maharashtra’s ministers achieved some great diplomatic breakthrough is overblown.


As for the wagh nakh, even the V&A had admitted that it was not possible to verify that the claws on display are the very ones used by Shivaji Maharaj in one his most famous exploits. Accounts suggest multiple tiger claws were associated with the episode, and at least three other sets in Satara have laid similar claims. The history of such acquisitions in India is littered with instances where artefacts, once triumphantly unveiled, are relegated to poorly lit display cases or locked storage rooms. If these treasures are to have meaning beyond a week’s headlines, they require more than ceremonial receptions. Proper conservation, detailed historical interpretation and serious public engagement are needed. Without such efforts, they risk becoming props in a passing political spectacle.


This is especially important given Maharashtra’s habit of conflating cultural heritage with political theatre. Raghuji Bhosale’s campaigns in Bengal, Odisha and southern India were significant military achievements, and his Firangi sword is a rare and exquisite example of cross-cultural craftsmanship in the 18th century. But heritage is not well served by bombast. Cultural treasures gain their true value not from the manner in which they are acquired, but from how they are cared for, interpreted and made relevant to the present. Maharashtra’s leaders have been quick to celebrate their role in securing these objects. The harder task is to ensure they serve as living links to history rather than trophies gathering dust.


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