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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 3:50:26 am

Has politics of convenience caused ideology to collapse in Maharashtra?

In the political churn that followed the Emergency (1975–77), one of Maharashtra’s most defining moments came in 1978 when the joint government of the Reddy Congress and the Indira Congress collapsed. A young Sharad Pawar, then just 38, walked out with 40 MLAs and brought down the government. He soon returned to power via the ‘Pulod’ alliance, only to move back into the Congress fold in 1986 — and then break away again in 1999 to float the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) over the issue of...

Has politics of convenience caused ideology to collapse in Maharashtra?

In the political churn that followed the Emergency (1975–77), one of Maharashtra’s most defining moments came in 1978 when the joint government of the Reddy Congress and the Indira Congress collapsed. A young Sharad Pawar, then just 38, walked out with 40 MLAs and brought down the government. He soon returned to power via the ‘Pulod’ alliance, only to move back into the Congress fold in 1986 — and then break away again in 1999 to float the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) over the issue of Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origins.   Ironically, the same Pawar later partnered with the Congress for a decade at the Centre, switching between Left allies and the erstwhile Jan Sangh with equal ease to retain power. Yet the questions remain: Where were ideology and loyalty in this long trajectory? His admirers and political commentators routinely called it statesmanship, but for Maharashtra, it marked the beginning of a political culture where ideology and party loyalty became dispensable. That seed has now grown into a full-fledged tree: in today’s politics, ideology is optional, loyalty negotiable.   Shiv Sena, founded in 1966 by Balasaheb Thackeray to assert Marathi identity, was first split in 1991 — a move widely attributed to Pawar, who backed Chhagan Bhujbal’s exit. Years later, the same Pawar shared power with the Sena in the state and even installed Uddhav Thackeray as Chief Minister. The Sena later splintered again, this time under Narayan Rane, and most dramatically under Eknath Shinde. Meanwhile, Raj Thackeray’s MNS took shape as a revolt against his uncle’s party.   More recently, the Baramati family feud saw Ajit Pawar walk into the BJP camp. Now talk of a rapprochement between Uddhav and Raj Thackeray, and between Sharad and Ajit Pawar, is gaining momentum. The churn has spread. Across districts and talukas, defections and homecomings are routine. Ideology and loyalty are honoured more in rhetoric than reality.   But it is the workers who bear the brunt. While leaders exchange sweet words and political comfort, it is party cadres who crack heads on the street, face police cases by the hundreds, and wage bitter battles in the name of leaders who may reunite the next day. The real question haunting Maharashtra today is: Who is fighting for whom — and against whom?   Power, as they say, is honey on the finger. Compromises existed earlier too, but there was once some hesitation in abandoning ideology and loyalty. Party-switching was an exception; today it is a norm.   Kolhapur has witnessed some of the most dramatic political rivalries — none more iconic than the decades-long clash between Sadashivrao Mandlik and Vikramsinh Ghatge. Their workers were so fiercely loyal that even inter-family social ties were avoided. After nearly 30 years of conflict, the two leaders reconciled — leaving party cadres bewildered.   The pattern repeats in Kagal today. Hasan Mushrif, once Mandlik’s trusted lieutenant and later his fiercest rival, and Samarsinh Ghatge, son of Vikramsinh, have come together. For years, Mushrif and Samarsinh fought pitched electoral and street battles. The BJP backed Samarsinh to unseat Mushrif. When power equations shifted, the BJP embraced Mushrif, leaving Samarsinh isolated. He crossed over to the NCP but continued to be uneasy under Devendra Fadnavis’s influence. Now rumours of reconciliation are again in the air — and once more, it is the workers who are left directionless.   Political battles in Maharashtra have always been fierce. In the 1970s, the Peasants and Workers  Party of India produced workers so committed that some vowed never to remove their red caps even in death. Congress stalwart Shripat Rao Bondre carried a Gandhi cap discreetly in his pocket in ShKP strongholds, but never abandoned the Congress ideology after winning municipal power.   Over the decades, thousands of workers have suffered fractured skulls, broken homes, lost generations, children dragged into police cases, and families ruined in local rivalries. Leaders switched parties, but workers continued visiting courts.   Which brings us back to the central question: In progressive Maharashtra, who exactly is fighting for whom — and against whom?

Bollywood filmmakers make beeline to secure titles

  • PTI
  • May 9
  • 2 min read
Vivek Agnihotri, filmmaker
Vivek Agnihotri, filmmaker

Mumbai: “Operation Sindoor”, “Mission Sindoor” and “Sindoor: The Revenge”... Bollywood filmmakers are rushing to register film titles inspired by India's military strikes in Pakistan with 30 applications linked to Operation Sindoor submitted in just two days.


India carried out the targeted strikes on terror sites in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir early Wednesday under 'Operation Sindoor', two weeks after the massacre of 26 people, mostly tourists, in Jammu and Kashmir's Pahalgam.


Since the strikes, the Indian Motion Picture Producers Association (IMPPA), Indian Film and Television Producers Council (IFTPC) and Western India Film Producers' Association (WIFPA) have witnessed a surge in applications for registration of film titles related to Operation Sindoor.


“The three bodies have received over 30 title applications via email related to Operation Sindoor. The numbers will go up to 50-60. This is not something new. Most people have applied for the title, ‘Operation Sindoor' and ‘Mission Sindoor'.


"One person can apply for any number of titles but the title will be allotted to the person who has first applied for it. Any producer who wants to make a film looks for what is in the news. This is something India is proud of. So, filmmakers want to bring this story," Anil Nagrath, Secretary, IMPPA, told PTI.


Past experience

Nagrath said in the past, they have received title applications for Kargil, Uri, Kumbh, and others.


The titles being applied for also include ‘Hindustan Ka Sindoor', ‘Mission Operation Sindoor' and ‘Sindoor Ka Badla'. The applications have also been received for titles in the name of Pahalgam -- ‘Pahalgam: The Terror Attack', ‘Pahalgam Attack', and others.


According to sources, Aditya Dhar, who directed the 2019 film "Uri: The Surgical Strike" based on the 2016 Uri attack and India's retaliatory strikes, as well as actor Suniel Shetty, filmmaker Madhur Bhandarkar, Vivek Agnihotri, Ashok Pandit, production banner T-Series are among those who have applied for the above mentioned titles.


"Once, the title is applied, a committee consisting of members IMPPA, IFTPC or WIFPA, and Producers Guild of India, decides who should get the title purely on the basis of who registered it first. There's no favoritism in this process,” Nagrath said.


Application fees

The application fee for the registration of a title is set at Rs 300 plus GST and if it is on an urgent basis then it is Rs 3,000 plus GST.


“There's a timeline of three years. For instance, if the film is not ready within three years with the title, then the title will be taken away,” Nagrath said.


Earlier in the day, it was reported that Reliance Industries Limited and five others have approached the Controller General of Patents Design and TradeMarks for the registration of term "Operation Sindoor", seeking to use the phrase for entertainment-related services like audio and video content.


The applications were filed for registration under Class 41 of the Nice Classification, which includes education and training services, film and media production, live performances and events, digital content delivery and publishing, and cultural and sporting activities.


Reliance Industries Ltd later withdrew its application, stating that it was inadvertently filed by a junior employee without authorisation.


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