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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj...

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) staring at an existential crisis. The final tally reveals a brutal reality for the MNS - Raj Thackeray played the role of the savior for his cousin, but in the process, he may have become the sole loser of the 2026 mandate. The worse part is that the Shiv Sena (UBT) is reluctant to accept this and is blaming Raj for the poor performance of his party leading to the defeat. A granular analysis of the ward-wise voting patterns exposes the fundamental flaw in this tactical alliance. The vote transfer, the holy grail of any coalition, operated strictly on a one-way street. Data suggests that the traditional MNS voter—often young, aggressive, and driven by regional pride—heeded Raj Thackeray’s call and transferred their votes to Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates in wards where the MNS did not contest. This consolidation was critical in helping the UBT hold its fortresses against the BJP's "Infra Man" juggernaut. However, the favor was not returned. In seats allocated to the MNS, the traditional Shiv Sena (UBT) voter appeared hesitant to back the "Engine" (MNS symbol). Whether due to lingering historical bitterness or a lack of instructions from the local UBT leadership, the "Torch" (UBT symbol) voters did not gravitate toward Raj’s candidates. The result? The UBT survived, while the MNS candidates were left stranded. ‘Second Fiddle’ Perhaps the most poignant aspect of this election was the shift in the personal dynamic between the Thackeray brothers. Decades ago, they parted ways over a bitter dispute regarding who would control the party helm. Raj, refusing to work under Uddhav, formed the MNS to chart his own path. Yet, in 2026, the wheel seems to have come full circle. By agreeing to contest a considerably lower number of seats and focusing his energy on the broader alliance narrative, Raj Thackeray tacitly accepted the role of "second fiddle." It was a pragmatic gamble to save the "Thackeray" brand from total erasure by the BJP-Shinde combine. While the brand survived, it is Uddhav who holds the equity, while Raj has been left with the debt. Charisma as a Charity Throughout the campaign, Raj Thackeray’s rallies were, as always, electric. His fiery oratory and charismatic presence drew massive crowds, a sharp contrast to the more somber tone of the UBT leadership. Ironically, this charisma served as a force multiplier not for his own party, but for his cousin’s. Raj acted as the star campaigner who energised the anti-BJP vote bank. He successfully articulated the anger against the "Delhi-centric" politics he accuses the BJP of fostering. But when the dust settled, the seats were won by UBT candidates who rode the wave Raj helped create. The MNS chief provided the wind for the sails, but the ship that docked in the BMC was captained by Uddhav. ‘Marathi Asmita’ Stung by the results and the realisation of the unequal exchange, Raj Thackeray took to social media shortly after the counting concluded. In an emotive post, he avoided blaming the alliance partner but instead pivoted back to his ideological roots. Urging his followers to "stick to the issue of Marathi Manoos and Marathi Asmita (pride)," Raj signaled a retreat to the core identity politics that birthed the MNS. It was a somber appeal, stripped of the bravado of the campaign, hinting at a leader who knows he must now rebuild from the rubble. The 2026 BMC election will be remembered as the moment Raj Thackeray proved he could be a kingmaker, even if it meant crowning the rival he once despised. He provided the timely help that allowed the Shiv Sena (UBT) to live to fight another day. But in the ruthless arithmetic of democracy, where moral victories count for little, the MNS stands isolated—a party that gave everything to the alliance and received nothing in return. Ironically, there are people within the UBT who still don’t want to accept this and on the contrary blame Raj Thackeray for dismal performance of the MNS, which they argue, derailed the UBT arithmetic. They state that had the MNS performed any better, the results would have been much better for the UBT.

Civic development to regain momentum

Kolhapur: The elections to 29 municipal corporations had been stalled for more than three years, leaving these bodies under prolonged administrative rule. The declaration of results for municipal corporations on Friday has effectively signalled the end of this phase. Expectations are now high that stalled development works across these urban local bodies will finally gather pace.

With newly elected representatives now in place, citizens once again have direct access to their chosen representatives, who can raise grievances in the council and push for solutions. Naturally, the pathway for addressing public concerns has reopened.


Maharashtra’s municipal governance framework operates under three separate laws: distinct statutes for Mumbai and Nagpur, and the Maharashtra Municipal Corporations Act for the remaining corporations. These laws envisage the administration and elected councils as complementary institutions. While the administration is responsible for implementing council resolutions within the legal framework, the council is empowered to exercise oversight over the municipal commissioner and officials.


The law allows the commissioner to recommend action against councillors for illegal acts, even to the extent of termination of membership. At the same time, it empowers the council to move a no-confidence motion against a commissioner in cases of arbitrary functioning. When both systems function together, public issues can be addressed more effectively. In the absence of an elected council, however, the public voice effectively disappears from municipal governance, development projects slow down, and decisions on public priorities remain concentrated with administrators.


For the past five years, administrators in 29 municipal corporations prepared annual budgets without any elected representation, resulting in financial plans that did not adequately reflect public needs. The recent elections mark the beginning of a new phase.


Telling Example

Kolhapur offers a telling example. Over the past five years, the city’s long-pending pilgrimage development project has remained virtually stalled, despite residents campaigning for it for two decades. During administrative rule, the state government approved the Ambabai Temple pilgrimage development project in 2023, initially allocating Rs 40 crore, followed by an additional Rs 120 crore. Of this, a first instalment of Rs 10 crore was transferred to the municipal corporation.


However, the sustained follow-up that elected representatives typically undertake to keep development projects moving was missing under administrative rule. Administrators, constrained by their limited political leverage with the state government, were unable to maintain momentum. As a result, projects progressed slowly despite available funds.


With elected councils now in place, there is renewed expectation that political representatives will be able to exert pressure on the state government and ensure faster implementation. In Kolhapur, this is expected to revive the pilgrimage development programme. Similar hopes extend to several other municipal corporations where basic infrastructure projects — including water supply and sewage systems — have been delayed for years without satisfactory resolution.

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