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By:

Anusreeta Dutta

26 April 2026 at 1:22:24 pm

E20’s Water Reckoning

Maharashtra sits at the heart of India’s ethanol boom, but climate change and groundwater depletion threaten the sustainability of its biofuel ambitions. Switching to E20 petrol, which is 20 percent ethanol, is one of India’s most ambitious energy reforms in recent times. The Ethanol-Blended Petrol (EBP) program has transformed the face of India’s sugar business by reducing crude oil imports and transportation emissions, increasing energy security, and raising farmer incomes. This change is...

E20’s Water Reckoning

Maharashtra sits at the heart of India’s ethanol boom, but climate change and groundwater depletion threaten the sustainability of its biofuel ambitions. Switching to E20 petrol, which is 20 percent ethanol, is one of India’s most ambitious energy reforms in recent times. The Ethanol-Blended Petrol (EBP) program has transformed the face of India’s sugar business by reducing crude oil imports and transportation emissions, increasing energy security, and raising farmer incomes. This change is happening in the heart of Maharashtra. Maharashtra hosts one of the largest sugar industries in the country and a large number of cooperative and corporate sugar factories. It has become an important contributor to the government’s ethanol blending target. Sugar plants have ceased to be merely sugar plants. They are becoming biofuel complexes of increasing sophistication, supplying ethanol to oil-marketing companies. The program has opened new revenue streams for mills, stabilized the price of sugar, and spurred investment in rural economies. But there’s an uncomfortable reality behind this victory. Maharashtra is also among the most water-stressed regions of India. Droughts, groundwater depletion and climate-induced variability in rainfall pose a question: Can India’s ethanol revolution be sustained if it is based on one of the world’s most water-intensive crops? Geostrategic Advantage India imports around 85 per cent of its crude oil, which continues to be an economic and geopolitical challenge to energy security. Under the National Policy on Biofuels and the EBP Programme, the government hopes to replace some of the imported gasoline with domestically generated ethanol. This program has been a big boon for Maharashtra. Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka are among states that contribute a big part of India's sugar and ethanol production. The government has pushed mills to diversify away from sugar, with incentives such as interest subsidies, guaranteed procurement by oil marketing corporations, and differential pricing for ethanol made from sugarcane juice and molasses. The advantages are clear. Ethanol has relieved the financial burden of sugar surpluses, increased the liquidity of the mills, and provided relatively stable profits to farmers. It has also contributed to India’s climate targets by replacing fossil fuels with renewable biofuels to some degree. But the long-term viability of these advances depends on an increasingly precious resource: water. The problem is not ethanol itself but the feedstock used to make it. Sugarcane has a very small share of the cultivated land in India but consumes an inordinately large amount of irrigation water. It is one of the most water-intensive crops in the country, requiring between 1,500 and 2,500 millimetres of water to grow. This will increase the divide in Maharashtra. Marathwada is a region prone to drought and water scarcity. Rainfall has become more erratic with climate change; groundwater levels continue to fall in many districts. However, with environmental constraints, sugarcane agriculture has grown over the years, as it is still one of the most profitable crops in the state due to reliable procurement and strong political support. As ethanol consumption increases, water supplies become even more strained. India’s clean energy revolution could inadvertently aggravate its water crisis if water supply is not factored into industrial planning. Questionable Assumptions Climate change has compounded the problem. Scientific forecasts predicted longer dry spells, more erratic monsoons, and more intense periods of rainfall in western and central India. These changes directly affect groundwater recharge and the reliability of irrigation. The assumption that sugarcane can be produced in unlimited quantities is increasingly questionable. Therefore, future ethanol policy should take into account both production capacity and ecological resilience. Agricultural systems that are increasingly sensitive to climate change cannot underpin a successful transition to a new energy system. Diversifying feedstock sources beyond sugarcane is vital for the long-term viability of India’s ethanol program. One of such potential alternatives is second-generation (2G) ethanol produced from agricultural residues such as rice straw, maize stalks, bamboo, and other lignocellulosic biomass. Unlike sugarcane, these feedstock sources do not require additional irrigation and also help address the growing problem of burning crop residue. Similarly, surplus maize, damaged food grains and other non-food biomass can be used to boost ethanol production without adding to the burden of water-intensive agriculture. India has begun investing in second-generation ethanol plants, but these account for an insignificant share. Further investment, technological innovation, and legislative support will be needed to scale up these technologies. This shift to more diverse feedstocks is not only an environmental one, but also one of long-term energy security. Maharashtra’s sugar lobby is politically powerful, making any talk of reducing sugarcane cultivation a controversial topic. Ethanol has brought financial security to many struggling mills, and sugar cooperatives have long influenced the state’s rural economy. But there should be no trade-off between farmers and environmental sustainability. Rural livelihoods depend on natural resources, and thus securing natural resources is central to securing rural livelihoods. India’s ethanol blending program has certainly boosted energy security, spurred investment in rural areas, and reduced dependence on imported fossil fuels. But not at the cost of environmental security. Energy security matters. India’s next move in its biofuel strategy has to go beyond meeting blending mandates. Policy design should consider water sustainability, climate resilience, and resource efficiency. Future policies need to aim at fast-tracking second-generation ethanol, broadening feedstocks, bolstering watershed management, and ensuring production fits with the regional ecological carrying capacity. The true success of the E20 program will be decided if India can cut its oil imports without cutting groundwater, increasing water conflicts, or making agriculture more sensitive to climate change. Maharashtra is at the center of this struggle now. It is the ethanol capital of India and has an opportunity to show how clean energy and environmental sustainability can go hand in hand. Otherwise, today’s green fuel could become tomorrow’s water problem. (The writer is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis, ESG research, and energy policy. Views personal.)

Closed OT, Negligence, Biased Inquiry

How my family was pushed into mental and financial trauma

During my wife Vrushali’s pregnancy, I witnessed the apathy of the government hospital in Ulhasnagar. The hospital had two operation theatres, yet both were reportedly kept closed simultaneously. The modular operation theatre remained shut from August 21, 2024 to February 20, 2026 while the second operation theatre was also closed for renovation work for several months. I could not understand how a government maternity hospital could allow both operation theatres to remain non-functional at the same time, especially when pregnant women’s lives depend on emergency medical care.

 

On February 12, my wife suddenly developed pregnancy-related complications, and I admitted her to the Government Maternity Hospital and Dispensary at Ulhasnagar-4. At that moment, all we wanted was proper treatment and safety for my wife and unborn child. While treatment was underway, I was informed that the heartbeat of our unborn baby had suddenly increased to nearly 200. The situation became extremely critical. Around 1:50 am, doctors told us that my wife was being referred to Thane as a “higher centre.”

 

At that moment, I was shocked and confused. Ulhasnagar Central Hospital was barely around 2.5 kilometres away, yet no proper coordination or emergency arrangement was made there. I tried contacting Medical Superintendent Dr. Shashikant Dode for urgent help and guidance. Around 2 am, I made nearly 20 phone calls, but there was allegedly no response.

 

Meanwhile, my wife was terrified. During her pregnancy, she had already experienced the difficulties caused by the closure of operation theatres, rude behaviour from nursing staff, negligence by doctors, and lack of facilities at the government hospital. Because of those experiences, she had developed deep fear and anxiety about being treated there again.

 

She emotionally pleaded with us, saying “Please admit me to a private hospital. Do not take me back to a government hospital. My life and the life of my unborn child may be at risk, and because of negligence by doctors in the government hospital, both of us could lose our lives.” As a husband, hearing those words was heartbreaking. Looking at her mental condition and the situation around us, my family and I finally decided to shift her to a private hospital in Kalyan. At around 3:10 am on February 13, we admitted her there.

 

Stable Condition

After examination, doctors at the private hospital reportedly told us that my wife was stable. She received proper treatment, her condition improved, and she was discharged on February 14.

 

That raised a major question in my mind: if my wife was stable, why was such an urgent midnight referral made? Why was our family pushed into panic, trauma, and financial burden? I strongly felt that patients were being referred elsewhere merely to avoid responsibility.

 

After this incident, I decided not to remain silent. On February 15, I submitted written complaints to the Chief Minister, Deputy Chief Minister, Health Minister, Health Secretary, Health Commissioner, District Collector, Deputy Director of Health Services, and other senior authorities. An inquiry committee was formed on February 18, but during the inquiry process itself, I noticed several disturbing issues. People unrelated to the investigation were allegedly allowed to remain present during proceedings. This created serious doubts in my mind about the transparency and fairness of the inquiry.

 

Later, on April 10, 2026, when I received the inquiry report, I was shocked to see that statements of several nurses were allegedly word-for-word identical. It appeared to me that the process had been conducted in a pre-planned manner. I also felt that since inquiry committee members and concerned officials had been working in the same district for years, the report was biased and aimed at protecting responsible doctors and nursing staff.

 

Fresh Inquiry

Because of these concerns, I raised formal objections against the first inquiry report on April 22. After that, a fresh two-member inquiry committee was constituted. However, during the inquiry conducted on May 12, one of the committee members, said to me “settle the matter and close the case.”


Hearing this from a member of the inquiry committee itself deeply disturbed me. I immediately questioned how a fair and impartial investigation could be expected if committee members themselves were allegedly suggesting compromise instead of focusing on truth and accountability.


To ensure transparency, I requested that the inquiry proceedings be conducted before CCTV cameras so that no false allegations or manipulation could happen later. However, the concerned members clearly stated that the inquiry would not be conducted “on camera.” This further strengthened my suspicion that attempts were being made to protect the accused officials.


This fight is not only about my wife and unborn child. This fight is about every pregnant woman and every family that depends on the government healthcare system in times of emergency.

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