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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Federal Farce

India’s federal compact was never meant to resemble street theatre. Yet that is precisely what unfolded in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where opening sessions of the Assemblies degenerated into petty skirmishes between Raj Bhavans and elected governments. Governors deserve scrutiny for overreach. But what played out on January 20 says as much about the studied belligerence of two state governments that have turned constitutional convention into a contact sport. Start with Tamil Nadu. Governor R.N....

Federal Farce

India’s federal compact was never meant to resemble street theatre. Yet that is precisely what unfolded in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where opening sessions of the Assemblies degenerated into petty skirmishes between Raj Bhavans and elected governments. Governors deserve scrutiny for overreach. But what played out on January 20 says as much about the studied belligerence of two state governments that have turned constitutional convention into a contact sport. Start with Tamil Nadu. Governor R.N. Ravi’s decision to walk out of the Assembly without delivering his address was dramatic, ill-judged and constitutionally questionable. But the stage for that walkout was carefully set by the ruling DMK. The Speaker’s insistence that the Governor read only what the Cabinet had approved, delivered with the pugnacious aside that “only MLAs can express opinion in the House,” reflected not reverence for convention but contempt for dialogue. Tamil Nadu’s government treated it as an opportunity to box the Governor into a corner and then feign outrage when he refused to play along. The subsequent statements from Raj Bhavan, disputing the state’s extravagant investment claims and invoking disrespect to the national anthem, only deepened the ugliness. But it is worth asking why such disputes routinely explode in Tamil Nadu. The answer lies less in New Delhi’s alleged conspiracies than in Chennai’s habit of governing by provocation. The DMK has discovered that permanent confrontation with the Governor serves its political narrative as it keeps the Centre in the dock. Kerala’s episode was no less revealing. Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar delivered his address and left, only for Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan to return to the House to announce solemnly that the Governor had tampered with Cabinet-approved paragraphs. The offending omissions concerned fiscal federalism and pending Bills, subjects dear to the Left Democratic Front’s sense of grievance. Vijayan’s declaration that the Cabinet’s version would prevail was less a constitutional clarification than a performative assertion of supremacy. Governors are not meant to rewrite policy. But nor are Assemblies meant to retroactively overrule a Governor’s address by executive fiat. Kerala’s government could have placed its objections on record or sought judicial clarity. Instead, it chose to dramatize the dispute, turning the Assembly into a forum for moral grandstanding. Together, these episodes expose a deeper malaise. State governments, particularly those ruled by parties opposed to the BJP, have begun to treat Governors not as constitutional functionaries to be constrained by process, but as political foils to be publicly humiliated. The irony is rich. Tamil Nadu and Kerala style themselves as guardians of constitutional morality, federalism and democratic norms. Yet, by weaponizing Assembly proceedings against Governors, they weaken the very conventions they claim to defend. None of this absolves Governors who stray into partisan commentary or obstructionism. India has no shortage of such examples. But federalism cannot be sustained if elected governments respond to irritation with institutional vandalism. Assemblies are not arenas for settling scores with Raj Bhavans.

Congress and Coalition Politics: A Legacy of Instability and Opportunism

The grand old party’s opportunism and the rivalries of Bihar’s backward-class leaders have long entrenched a culture of political instability in the state.

Satish Prasad Singh was Bihar’s first OBC Chief Minister for just five days before his government was toppled.
Satish Prasad Singh was Bihar’s first OBC Chief Minister for just five days before his government was toppled.

The politics of Bihar has always been characterized by alliances and realignments, with the Congress party playing a particularly active role. This political manoeuvring often proved detrimental to the stability of governments, especially those led by backward classes. The Congress party’s repeated strategy of toppling governments and creating weak administrations has fuelled political instability in Bihar, hindering the state’s development. Its role was crucial in deliberately sowing discord between OBC leadership and other social groups to retain power.


Leaders from Bihar’s OBC community, who have been experts in political alliance-building from the beginning, partnered with Congress to form and dismantle governments. This was a key aspect of their political strategy right from the start. The cycle of backward-class chief ministers coming to power was also a result of such political bargaining. Today, the Congress party claims to lead OBC politics, but it must remember that when the first OBC chief minister emerged in Bihar, it was the Congress, in cahoots with some backward-class leaders, that toppled his government within just five days, clearly proving that opportunism outweighed stability in the game of power.


Five-day wonder

Turning the pages of the state’s political history, we turn to Satish Prasad Singh, born into an OBC family, who made a remarkable mark on January 28, 1968 when he was crowned Chief Minister of Bihar. He became the first OBC Chief Minister and the head of non-Congress coalition government in the state. Until then, power typically remained with the Bhumihar and Rajput communities, but now it was handed to Satish Prasad Singh, who hailed from the Koeri community. The OBCs had already established a stronghold in Bihar’s politics just one decade after independence. Yet, Singh’s government lasted only five days due to political conspiracies and internal conflicts within the backward class, with Congress also playing a significant role in this power shift.


Within 10-15 years of independence, the politics of alliance and realignment had taken firm root in Bihar. This political strategy paved the way for a major transformation by briefly elevating an OBC chief minister to power. The pioneer of this path was Satish Prasad Singh, born in 1936 into a farmer family in Bihar’s Khagaria district. Educated in Munger, he was known for leading societal change by marrying across caste lines during an era when such unions were rare. His reputation was that of a rebel with socialist beliefs. After leaving active politics, he even produced and acted in a film titled ‘Jogi Aur Jawani.’


Hidden agendas

In Bihar’s political corridors, it is said that Satish Prasad Singh was not an accidental chief minister but part of a well-thought-out plan to dismantle the dominance of upper castes and assert the political strength of the backward classes. However, the truth of this remains a subject people avoid, as if the real story has been lost to history. The question also arises that why did a strong-willed socialist leader like Singh serve for only five days as Chief Minister? To answer this, one must revisit history. In 1967, when the non-Congress coalition government was to be formed, some leaders in the alliance opposed making Karpoori Thakur as the Chief Minister, who was also from the OBC community. Instead, consensus was reached on the elderly freedom fighter Mahamaya Prasad, belonging to the Kayastha community, as a compromise candidate. Even Karpoori Thakur and Dr. Lohia accepted this just to ensure a non-Congress government was formed.


In March 1967, the United Legislative Party chose Mahamaya Prasad Sinha as the chief minister, with Karpoori Thakur as his deputy. This was Bihar’s first non-Congress government, supported by all anti-Congress parties, dominated by the Sanyukt Socialist Party (SSP).

Congress leader and former Bihar CM K.B. Sahay addressed a meeting. The Congress party’s repeated strategy of toppling governments and creating weak administrations fuelled chronic political instability in Bihar.
Congress leader and former Bihar CM K.B. Sahay addressed a meeting. The Congress party’s repeated strategy of toppling governments and creating weak administrations fuelled chronic political instability in Bihar.

Dr. Bideshwari Prasad Mandal, popularly known as B.P. Mandal, elected from SSP to the Lok Sabha, resigned and joined the Mahamaya-Karpoori government as a minister. He was then heavily reprimanded by Dr. Lohia, leading to his resignation from the state ministerial post and a fallout with Lohia. Similarly, senior SSP leader Jagdev Prasad Verma also clashed with Lohia over party policies. It is said Jagdev Prasad was less upset about not becoming a minister himself than he was about junior leader Upendra Nath Verma from his own Kushwaha community receiving the ministerial role. This sowed further dissatisfaction, leading B.P. Mandal and Jagdev Prasad to leave the SSP and create a new party called Shoshit Dal, led by Satish Prasad Singh.


During this time, the Mahamaya government launched a campaign against corruption, forming the Ayyar Commission to investigate Congress leaders and former chief minister K.B. Sahay, along with his associates Mahesh Prasad Singh, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Ram Lakhan Yadav, Ambika Sharan Singh, and Raghavendra Prasad Singh.


Congress leaders K.B. Sahay, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, and others leaders sought to overthrow the Mahamaya-Karpoori government. Disgruntled B.P. Mandal and Jagdev Prasad joined forces with them. Political circles say B.P. Mandal and Jagdev Prasad were assured by K.B. Sahay and Satyendra Narayan Sinha that if they split from SSP, they would receive Congress’s full support. Thus, Congress leaders K.B. Sahay, Mahesh Prasad Singh, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Ram Lakhan Yadav, and Ambika Sharan Singh succeeded in toppling Bihar’s first non-Congress government. Tyagamurti R.L. Chandapuri also supported B.P. Mandal in this. This Congress cunningness kept Bihar’s politics unstable and crisis-ridden. Chandapuri’s interviews clearly reveal Congress’s conspiracy to topple the government to protect its leaders from corruption charges, with the backing of backward-class leaders.


Political opportunism

As Bihar heads into a key Assembly election, one would do well to recall that the Congress party has widely used the politics of alliance and realignment, especially to weaken or topple backward-class-led governments. This strategy has been harmful not only for political stability but has also come in the way of development and public welfare. The frequent breaking of coalitions, party splits and political self-interest of leaders have pushed Bihar’s politics into chronic instability.


True political stability in Bihar can only come through proper utilization of OBC leaders’ ambitions. Otherwise, the legacy of alliance politics will continue to hamper Bihar’s political and economic growth. Bihar needs a new political culture - one that is sustainable, transparent and development-sensitive. A coordinated effort by all classes and communities is essential to shift from manipulative politics to a politics of development. Only then can Bihar truly transform into ‘Viksit Bihar.’

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