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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

Contentious Waqf (Amendment) Bill tabled in Lok Sabha

  • PTI
  • Apr 2
  • 2 min read

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New Delhi: Union Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju on Wednesday tabled the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, as proposed by a Joint Parliamentary Committee, in the Lok Sabha for consideration and passage.


The bill seeks to improve the administration of Waqf properties, introduce technology-driven management, address complexities and ensure transparency.


Introducing the bill, Rijiju said the consultation process of the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) was the largest ever exercise carried out by a parliamentary panel in India's democratic history.


He said over 97.27 lakh petitions, memorandums were received by the JPC through physical and online formats and the JPC had gone through each of them before finalising its report.


The minister said as many as 284 delegations submitted their views on the bill besides the Waqf boards of 25 states and Union Territories.


Legal luminaries, charitable organisations, academicians and religious leaders, among others, have also submitted their opinions, he said.


"The government is not going to interfere in any religious institution. The changes made in the Waqf law by the UPA government gave it overriding effect over other statutes, hence the new amendments were required," Rijiju said amid noisy opposition protest.


"You tried to mislead the people on issues which are not part of the Waqf Bill," Rijiju told the opposition.


This bill has nothing to do with religion, but deals only with properties, he added.


According to the bill, trusts created by Muslims under any law will no longer be considered Waqf, ensuring full control over the trusts.


As per the bill, only practising Muslims (for at least five years) can dedicate their property to Waqf, restoring pre-2013 rules. Also, women must receive their inheritance before Waqf declaration, with special provisions for widows, divorced women and orphans.


The bill also proposes that an officer above the rank of collector will investigate government properties claimed as Waqf.


In case of disputes, the senior government official will have the final say on whether a property belongs to Waqf or the government. This replaces the existing system where such decisions are made by Waqf tribunals.


Also, the bill proposes that non-Muslim members will be included in the central and state Waqf boards for inclusivity.


Women must receive their inheritance before Waqf declaration, with special provisions for widows, divorced women and orphans.


Earlier, Speaker Om Birla rejected the opposition's objections that the government has no power to insert new provisions in the amended bill.


Union Home Minister Amit Shah said the bill was tabled after a long process of consultations carried out by the JPC.


Shah said the bill was first introduced in August 2024 after which, as sought by the House, it was referred to the JPC, which held long consultations on it.


The JPC report was approved by the Union Cabinet before the bill was tabled in the House.


"This is a democratic committee. This committee did not act like the Congress-constituted committee. It followed proper procedure and consultations," Shah said.

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