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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

Correcting the Record

The nomination of Meenakshi Jain to the Rajya Sabha marks the ascent of an unapologetically indigenous view of Indian history into the political mainstream.


When the President of India nominated Dr. Meenakshi Jain to the Rajya Sabha, it marked the quiet culmination of a decades-long intellectual insurgency. For years, Jain has challenged what she and others have seen as the ideological monopoly of the Marxist reading of Indian history. Now, the establishment is finally listening.


A former fellow at the Indian Council of Social Science Research and a one-time member of both the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library and the Indian Council of Historical Research, Jain is no stranger to academic corridors. Yet for much of her career, she stood at odds with the prevailing orthodoxy. Her meticulously sourced works have long provided a counterpoint to the ‘canonical’ histories written by the Marxist clique of Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib and D.N. Jha among others - historians who, for decades, exercised editorial and institutional control over how Indian history was taught, debated and even litigated.


Jain’s fiercest intellectual battles have been fought against this cabal of ‘eminent historians.’ Steeped in Marxist theory and steeped further still in post-colonial guilt, they insisted India’s past be read through the prism of class struggle, syncretism and secular accommodation. In their telling, Islamic invaders were repackaged as administrators, not conquerors while temple destruction was painted as exaggerated or incidental. Indigenous religious practices, including temple worship, were either marginalised or dismissed as Brahminical constructs.


Few pushed these claims further than D.N. Jha. In works that gained disproportionate traction in supposedly progressive English-language publications, Jha argued that India’s temple tradition was overstated, that meat consumption (including beef) was integral to Vedic society, and that the idea of “sacred space” was a later fabrication. Such theses often relied on selective textual readings and conspicuously ignored regional and archaeological data.


Nowhere was this intellectual sleight of hand more consequential than in the Ayodhya dispute. Irfan Habib, appearing as an expert witness, flatly denied the existence of a pre-Babri temple at the Ram Janmabhoomi site even in the face of mounting archaeological, literary and administrative evidence.


According to Jain, this was ideological distortion masquerading as scholarship. In The Battle for Rama (2017), she accuses these historians of misrepresenting or suppressing evidence, manipulating inscriptions, and ignoring a vast corpus of court documents, colonial reports and traveller accounts that affirmed the existence of a Ram temple at the disputed site.


Jain’s rebuttal was forensic in its detail. In Rama and Ayodhya (2013), she charted a painstaking chronology of how the Janmabhoomi tradition was deeply embedded in Hindu consciousness well before the 20th century. She traced how British-era administrative records acknowledged the Ram Janmasthan, and how efforts to distort the narrative only began in earnest in the late 1980s, coinciding with the political mobilisation around the temple. According to Jain, even a significant section of Muslims recognised the legitimacy of the Hindu claim until they were persuaded otherwise by left-leaning historians who promised to fabricate counter-evidence.


To her critics, Jain is a partisan scholar whose work dovetails too neatly with the current regime’s ideological interests. But even they admit she has raised uncomfortable questions that the old guard long evaded. Her scholarship, while rooted in a civilisational frame, is rarely polemical in tone. In Sati: Evangelicals, Baptist Missionaries and the Changing Colonial Discourse (2016), she examined the colonial fixation on the practice not as an altruistic campaign but as a tool for religious and political dominance. In Parallel Pathways (2010), she investigated Hindu-Muslim relations between 1707 and 1857, revealing how political power shifts rather than theological animus often underpinned communal strife.


Her 2019 book, Flight of Deities and Rebirth of Temples, chronicled the looting, desecration, and often miraculous recovery of Hindu icons across centuries, offering a civilisational narrative of cultural resilience. Her most recent work, Vishwanath Rises and Rises (2024), centres on the Kashi Vishwanath temple’s history. It recounts waves of destruction, especially under Aurangzeb in 1669, and the remarkable efforts by Ahilyabai Holkar and the Marathas to rebuild.


To her admirers, Jain is a historian who writes not with rage but with quiet resolve. She has reclaimed India’s past from those who, for decades, presented it as a procession of conquerors, class struggles and syncretic miracles while airbrushing out atrocity, resistance and revival. In 2020, she received the Padma Shri, confirming her status as a public intellectual of national importance.


Her nomination to the Rajya Sabha is the logical next step. As Parliament increasingly becomes a forum for civilisational debates over temples, textbooks and the very idea of India, Jain is likely to bring with her not just scholarship, but a sharpened historical consciousness.

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